語言文化論文-TheessenceofneoliberalismAsthedominantdiscoursewouldhaveit,theeconomicworldisapureandperfectorder,implacablyunrollingthelogicofitspredictableconsequences,andprompttorepressallviolationsbythesanctionsthatitinflicts,eitherautomaticallyor-moreunusually-throughtheintermediaryofitsarmedextensions,theInternationalMonetaryFund(IMF)andtheOrganizationforEconomicCooperationandDevelopment(OECD)andthepoliciestheyimpose:reducinglabourcosts,reducingpublicexpendituresandmakingworkmoreflexible.Isthedominantdiscourseright?Whatif,inreality,thiseconomicorderwerenomorethantheimplementationofautopia-theutopiaofneoliberalism-thusconvertedintoapoliticalproblem?Onethat,withtheaidoftheeconomictheorythatitproclaims,succeedsinconceivingofitselfasthescientificdescriptionofreality?Thistutelarytheoryisapuremathematicalfiction.Fromthestartithasbeenfoundedonaformidableabstraction.For,inthenameofanarrowandstrictconceptionofrationalityasindividualrationality,itbracketstheeconomicandsocialconditionsofrationalorientationsandtheeconomicandsocialstructuresthataretheconditionoftheirapplication.Togivethemeasureofthisomission,itisenoughtothinkjustoftheeducationalsystem.Educationisnevertakenaccountofassuchatatimewhenitplaysadeterminingroleintheproductionofgoodsandservicesasintheproductionoftheproducersthemselves.Fromthissortoforiginalsin,inscribedintheWalrasianmyth(1)ofpuretheory,flowallofthedeficienciesandfaultsofthedisciplineofeconomicsandthefatalobstinacywithwhichitattachesitselftothearbitraryoppositionwhichitinduces,throughitsmereexistence,betweenaproperlyeconomiclogic,basedoncompetitionandefficiency,andsociallogic,whichissubjecttotheruleoffairness.Thatsaid,thistheorythatisdesocialisedanddehistoricisedatitsrootshas,todaymorethanever,themeansofmakingitselftrueandempiricallyverifiable.Ineffect,neoliberaldiscourseisnotjustonediscourseamongmany.Rather,itisastrongdiscourse-thewaypsychiatricdiscourseisinanasylum,inErvingGoffmansanalysis(2).Itissostrongandsohardtocombatonlybecauseithasonitssidealloftheforcesofaworldofrelationsofforces,aworldthatitcontributestomakingwhatitis.Itdoesthismostnotablybyorientingtheeconomicchoicesofthosewhodominateeconomicrelationships.Itthusaddsitsownsymbolicforcetotheserelationsofforces.Inthenameofthisscientificprogramme,convertedintoaplanofpoliticalaction,animmensepoliticalprojectisunderway,althoughitsstatusassuchisdeniedbecauseitappearstobepurelynegative.Thisprojectaimstocreatetheconditionsunderwhichthetheorycanberealisedandcanfunction:aprogrammeofthemethodicaldestructionofcollectives.Themovementtowardtheneoliberalutopiaofapureandperfectmarketismadepossiblebythepoliticsoffinancialderegulation.Anditisachievedthroughthetransformativeand,itmustbesaid,destructiveactionofallofthepoliticalmeasures(ofwhichthemostrecentistheMultilateralAgreementonInvestment(MAI),designedtoprotectforeigncorporationsandtheirinvestmentsfromnationalstates)thataimtocallintoquestionanyandallcollectivestructuresthatcouldserveasanobstacletothelogicofthepuremarket:thenation,whosespacetomanoeuvrecontinuallydecreases；workgroups,forexamplethroughtheindividualisationofsalariesandofcareersasafunctionofindividualcompetences,withtheconsequentatomisationofworkers；collectivesforthedefenceoftherightsofworkers,unions,associations,cooperatives；eventhefamily,whichlosespartofitscontroloverconsumptionthroughtheconstitutionofmarketsbyagegroups.Theneoliberalprogrammedrawsitssocialpowerfromthepoliticalandeconomicpowerofthosewhoseinterestsitexpresses:stockholders,financialoperators,industrialists,conservativeorsocial-democraticpoliticianswhohavebeenconvertedtothereassuringlayoffsoflaisser-faire,high-levelfinancialofficialseagertoimposepoliciesadvocatingtheirownextinctionbecause,unlikethemanagersoffirms,theyrunnoriskofhavingeventuallytopaytheconsequences.Neoliberalismtendsonthewholetofavourseveringtheeconomyfromsocialrealitiesandtherebyconstructing,inreality,aneconomicsystemconformingtoitsdescriptioninpuretheory,thatisasortoflogicalmachinethatpresentsitselfasachainofconstraintsregulatingeconomicagents.Theglobalisationoffinancialmarkets,whenjoinedwiththeprogressofinformationtechnology,ensuresanunprecedentedmobilityofcapital.Itgivesinvestorsconcernedwiththeshort-termprofitabilityoftheirinvestmentsthepossibilityofpermanentlycomparingtheprofitabilityofthelargestcorporationsand,inconsequence,penalisingthesefirmsrelativesetbacks.Subjectedtothispermanentthreat,thecorporationsthemselveshavetoadjustmoreandmorerapidlytotheexigenciesofthemarkets,underpenaltyoflosingthemarketsconfidence,astheysay,aswellasthesupportoftheirstockholders.Thelatter,anxioustoobtainshort-termprofits,aremoreandmoreabletoimposetheirwillonmanagers,usingfinancialdirectoratestoestablishtherulesunderwhichmanagersoperateandtoshapetheirpoliciesregardinghiring,employment,andwages.Thustheabsolutereignofflexibilityisestablished,withemployeesbeinghiringonfixed-termcontractsoronatemporarybasisandrepeatedcorporaterestructuringsand,withinthefirmitself,competitionamongautonomousdivisionsaswellasamongteamsforcedtoperformmultiplefunctions.Finally,thiscompetitionisextendedtoindividualsthemselves,throughtheindividualisationofthewagerelationship:establishmentofindividualperformanceobjectives,individualperformanceevaluations,permanentevaluation,individualsalaryincreasesorgrantingofbonusesasafunctionofcompetenceandofindividualmerit；individualisedcareerpaths；strategiesofdelegatingresponsibilitytendingtoensuretheself-exploitationofstaffwho,simplewagelabourersinrelationsofstronghierarchicaldependence,areatthesametimeheldresponsiblefortheirsales,theirproducts,theirbranch,theirstore,etc.asthoughtheywereindependentcontractors.Thispressuretowardself-controlextendsworkersinvolvementaccordingtothetechniquesofparticipativemanagementconsiderablybeyondmanagementlevel.Allofthesearetechniquesofrationaldominationthatimposeover-involvementinwork(andnotonlyamongmanagement)andworkunderemergencyorhigh-stressconditions.Andtheyconvergetoweakenorabolishcollectivestandardsorsolidarities(3).Inthisway,aDarwinianworldemerges-itisthestruggleofallagainstallatalllevelsofthehierarchy,whichfindssupportthrougheveryoneclingingtotheirjobandorganisationunderconditionsofinsecurity,suffering,andstress.Withoutadoubt,thepracticalestablishmentofthisworldofstrugglewouldnotsucceedsocompletelywithoutthecomplicityofalloftheprecariousarrangementsthatproduceinsecurityandoftheexistenceofareservearmyofemployeesrendereddocilebythesesocialprocessesthatmaketheirsituationsprecarious,aswellasbythepermanentthreatofunemployment.Thisreservearmyexistsatalllevelsofthehierarchy,evenatthehigherlevels,especiallyamongmanagers.Theultimatefoundationofthisentireeconomicorderplacedunderthesignoffreedomisineffectthestructuralviolenceofunemployment,oftheinsecurityofjobtenureandthemenaceoflayoffthatitimplies.Theconditionoftheharmoniousfunctioningoftheindividualistmicro-economicmodelisamassphenomenon,theexistenceofareservearmyoftheunemployed.Thisstructuralviolencealsoweighsonwhatiscalledthelabourcontract(wiselyrationalisedandrenderedunrealbythetheoryofcontracts).Organisationaldiscoursehasnevertalkedasmuchoftrust,co-operation,loyalty,andorganisationalcultureasinanerawhenadherencetotheorganisationisobtainedateachmomentbyeliminatingalltemporalguaranteesofemployment(three-quartersofhiresareforfixedduration,theproportionoftemporaryemployeeskeepsrising,employmentatwillandtherighttofireanindividualtendtobefreedfromanyrestriction).Thusweseehowtheneoliberalutopiatendstoembodyitselfintherealityofakindofinfernalmachine,whosenecessityimposesitselfevenupontherulers.LiketheMarxismofanearliertime,withwhich,inthisregard,ithasmuchincommon,thisutopiaevokespowerfulbelief-thefreetradefaith-notonlyamongthosewholiveoffit,suchasfinanciers,theownersandmanagersoflargecorporations,etc.,butalsoamongthose,suchashigh-levelgovernmentofficialsandpoliticians,whoderivetheirjustificationforexistingfromit.Fortheysanctifythepowerofmarketsinthenameofeconomicefficiency,whichrequirestheeliminationofadministrativeorpoliticalbarrierscapableofinconveniencingtheownersofcapitalintheirindividualquestforthemaximisationofindividualprofit,whichhasbeenturnedintoamodelofrationality.Theywantindependentcentralbanks.Andtheypreachthesubordinationofnation-statestotherequirementsofeconomicfreedomforthemastersoftheeconomy,withthesuppressionofanyregulationofanymarket,beginningwiththelabourmarket,theprohibitionofdeficitsandinflation,thegeneralprivatisationofpublicservices,andthereductionofpublicandsocialexpenses.Economistsmaynotnecessarilysharetheeconomicandsocialinterestsofthetruebelieversandmayhaveavarietyofindividualpsychicstatesregardingtheeconomicandsocialeffectsoftheutopiawhichtheycloakwithmathematicalreason.Nevertheless,theyhaveenoughspecificinterestsinthefieldofeconomicsciencetocontributedecisivelytotheproductionandreproductionofbeliefintheneoliberalutopia.Separatedfromtherealitiesoftheeconomicandsocialworldbytheirexistenceandaboveallbytheirintellectualformation,whichismostfrequentlypurelyabstract,bookish,andtheoretical,theyareparticularlyinclinedtoconfusethethingsoflogicwiththelogicofthings.Theseeconomiststrustmodelsthattheyalmostneverhaveoccasiontosubmittothetestofexperimentalverificationandareledtolookdownupontheresultsoftheotherhistoricalsciences,inwhichtheydonotrecognisethepurityandcrystallinetransparencyoftheirmathematicalgames,whosetruenecessityandprofoundcomplexitytheyareoftenincapableofunderstanding.Theyparticipateandcollaborateinaformidableeconomicandsocialchange.Evenifsomeofitsconsequenceshorrifythem(theycanjointhesocialistpartyandgivelearnedcounseltoitsrepresentativesinthepowerstructure),itcannotdispleasethembecause,attheriskofafewfailures,imputabletowhattheysometimescallspeculativebubbles,ittendstogiverealitytotheultra-logicalutopia(ultra-logicallikecertainformsofinsanity)towhichtheyconsecratetheirlives.Andyettheworldisthere,withtheimmediatelyvisibleeffectsoftheimplementationofthegreatneoliberalutopia:notonlythepovertyofanincreasinglylargesegmentofthemosteconomicallyadvancedsocieties,theextraordinarygrowthinincomedifferences,theprogressivedisappearanceofautonomousuniversesofculturalproduction,suchasfilm,publishing,etc.,throughtheintrusiveimpositionofcommercialvalues,butalsoandabovealltwomajortrends.Firstisthedestructionofallthecollectiveinstitutionscapableofcounteractingtheeffectsoftheinfernalmachine,primarilythoseofthestate,repositoryofalloftheuniversalvaluesassociatedwiththeideaofthepublicrealm.Secondistheimpositioneverywhere,intheupperspheresoftheeconomyandthestateasattheheartofcorporations,ofthatsortofmoralDarwinismthat,withthecultofthewinner,schooledinhighermathematicsandbungeejumping,institutesthestruggleofallagainstallandcynicismasthenormofallactionandbehaviour.Canitbeexpectedthattheextraordinarymassofsufferingproducedbythissortofpolitical-economicregimewillonedayserveasthestartingpointofamovementcapableofstoppingtheracetotheabyss?Indeed,wearefacedherewithanextraordinaryparadox.Theobstaclesencounteredonthewaytorealisingtheneworderofthelone,butfreeindividualareheldtodaytobeimputabletorigiditiesandvestiges.Alldirectandconsciousinterventionofwhateverkind,atleastwhenitcomesfromthestate,isdiscreditedinadvanceandthuscondemnedtoeffaceitselfforthebenefitofapureandanonymousmechanism,themarket,whosenatureasasitewhereinterestsareexercisedisforgotten.Butinreality,whatkeepsthesocialorderfromdissolvingintochaos,despitethegrowingvolumeoftheendangeredpopulation,isthecontinuityorsurvivalofthoseveryinstitutionsandrepresentativesoftheoldorderthatisintheprocessofbeingdismantled,andalltheworkofallofthecategoriesofsocialworkers,aswellasalltheformsofsocialsolidarity,familialorotherwise.Thetransitiontoliberalismtakesplaceinanimperceptiblemanner,likecontinentaldrift,thushidingitseffectsfromview.Itsmostterribleconsequencesarethoseofthelongterm.Theseeffectsthemselvesareconcealed,paradoxically,bytheresistancetowhichthistransitioniscurrentlygivingriseamongthosewhodefendtheoldorderbydrawingontheresourcesitcontained,onoldsolidarities,onreservesofsocialcapitalthatprotectanentireportionofthepresentsocialorderfromfallingintoanomie.Thissocialcapitalisfatedtowitheraway-althoughnotintheshortrun-ifitisnotrenewedandreproduced.Butthesesameforcesofconservation,whichitistooeasytotreatasconservative,arealso,fromanotherpointofview,forcesofresistancetotheestablishmentoftheneworderandcanbecomesubversiveforces.Ifthereisstillcauseforsomehope,itisthatforcesstillexist,bothinstateinstitutionsandintheorientationsofsocialactors(notablyindividualsandgroupsmostattachedtotheseinstitutions,thosewithatraditionofcivilandpublicservice)that,undertheappearanceofsimplydefendinganorderthathasdisappearedanditscorrespondingprivileges(whichiswhattheywillimmediatelybeaccusedof),willbeabletoresistthechallengeonlybyworkingtoinventandconstructanewsocialorder.Onethatwillnothaveasitsonlylawthepursuitofegoisticinterestsandtheindividualpassionf