試題下載 /mydoc-68012249-1.html翻譯專(zhuān)業(yè)資格考試（三級(jí)筆譯實(shí)務(wù)）模擬試題及答案（一）ban ki-moon stepped on the stageon january 1 ban ki-moon, the new secretary-general, moved into the office on the 38th floor of united nations headquarters in new york. most of the talk has focused on whether it is appropriate that the worlds regions should take turns in holding such a key post. but the more important issue is what consequences will flow from having an asian in the top job at the precise moment that asia emerges into the geopolitical sun.a certain historical distance has always existed between the asian region and the international organization. most of new yorks energy is consumed by the middle east and africa, not asia. the un is atlanticist in structure and sometimes in orientation.there have been several signs in recent years, however, of a quickening of interactions between the un and asia. first, the end of the cold war broke the superpower deadlock in the security council, conjured up new confidence about the organizations place in international relations and was followed by the establishment of two of the uns largest and most complex peace operations, in cambodia and east timor.second, the emergence of new and interconnected5 security threats in the region, including infectious diseases, resource scarcity, environmental catastrophes such as the 2004 tsunami, trafficking in drugs and people, and state failure, has demonstrated the advantages of international cooperation. as these threats escalate, so will the work of the un and its agencies.third, as the focus of international power moves towards them , asian states are stepping up their engagement with the world body. the top five contributors of peacekeeping personnel are all from the uns asian regional group. both japan and india remain intent on permanent membership of the security council. most striking of all is chinas increasingly practical behavior in new york. china was once poorly represented, defensive in the council and uninterested in peacekeeping: now it is ably represented, confident and skillful in the chamber8 and before the media, and deploys more peacekeeping personnel than any other permanent member.this is the stage onto which mr. ban stepped.答案：潘基文登臺(tái)亮相一月一日，新秘書(shū)長(zhǎng)潘基文搬進(jìn)紐約聯(lián)合國(guó)總部大樓38層的辦公室。由全球不同地區(qū)的人士輪流擔(dān)任這一要職，這種做法是否合適已經(jīng)成為多數(shù)人議論的焦點(diǎn)。但是，更重要的問(wèn)題是，值此亞洲正在成為地緣政治中心的時(shí)刻，讓一個(gè)亞洲人擔(dān)任聯(lián)合國(guó)最高職位會(huì)出現(xiàn)什么樣的后果？亞洲地區(qū)和聯(lián)合國(guó)（這個(gè)國(guó)際組織）之間總是存在某種歷史距離。（位于紐約的）聯(lián)合國(guó)的大部分精力都放在中東和非洲，而不是亞洲。聯(lián)合國(guó)在結(jié)構(gòu)上，有時(shí)甚至在取向上，是大西洋主義的。然而，近幾年來(lái)有些跡象表明，聯(lián)合國(guó)與亞洲的聯(lián)系在加速。第一個(gè)跡象是，冷戰(zhàn)的結(jié)束打破了安理會(huì)內(nèi)部超級(jí)大國(guó)間的僵局，人們對(duì)聯(lián)合國(guó)在國(guó)際關(guān)系中的地位重拾信心，隨后聯(lián)合國(guó)在柬埔寨和東帝汶實(shí)施了兩次規(guī)模最大和最復(fù)雜的維和行動(dòng)。第二個(gè)跡象是，亞洲地區(qū)出現(xiàn)的各種新的安全威脅（包括傳染性疾病、資源匱乏、環(huán)境災(zāi)難（如2004年的海嘯、販賣(mài)毒品、非法移民以及國(guó)家崩潰）不是孤立的，這已經(jīng)顯示出國(guó)際合作的好處。隨著這些威脅的不斷升級(jí)，聯(lián)合國(guó)及其機(jī)構(gòu)的工作也將不斷升級(jí)。第三個(gè)跡象是，隨著國(guó)際力量的重心向聯(lián)合國(guó)機(jī)構(gòu)轉(zhuǎn)移，亞洲國(guó)家正在積極參與聯(lián)合國(guó)的行動(dòng)。提供維和人員最多的五個(gè)國(guó)家都來(lái)自聯(lián)合國(guó)亞洲成員國(guó)。日本和印度都一直想成為安理會(huì)常任理事國(guó)。給人印象最深的是中國(guó)在聯(lián)合國(guó)紐約總部的做法越來(lái)越講究實(shí)際。中國(guó)過(guò)去對(duì)很多活動(dòng)參與不多，在安理會(huì)采取防御姿態(tài)，對(duì)維和行動(dòng)不感興趣?，F(xiàn)在中國(guó)積極參與各項(xiàng)活動(dòng)，在安理會(huì)上、在媒體面前充滿自信、應(yīng)對(duì)自如，派遣的維和人員超過(guò)其他任何一個(gè)常任理事國(guó)。這就是潘基文走上的舞臺(tái)。parliamentary elections in afghanistan for the first time in three decades afghanistan is holding parliamentary elections. its a momentous time for a country still trying to emerge from years of war. theres been much criticism that these polls will only consolidate the power of the countrys powerful commanders, the warlords with dubious histories. but lyse doucet, whos been covering afghanistan since the late nineteen eighties, has discovered that in a nation where a new political culture is only slowly taking shape, the very existence of an election process has brought new energy to a lung-stagnant political life:now there is a veritable forest of signs at every square and roundabout in kabul and other cities, billboards selling luxury watches, promoting national unity the new afghan army. but, for the past month billboard, walls and fences across this land have been telling another story. everywhere you look there are the faces of election candidates, middle aged men in suits and ties, men with turbans and long thick beards as dark as the night or as white as the first afghan snow, hardly anyone is smiling. tradition says photography is serious business. even, wedding photographs here barely coax a smile.and in a country where only 4 years ago, women were largely confined to their homes under an oppressive taliban rule, there are their faces too: candidates like young sabrina with a fetching canary yellow headscarf, shukda with finely penciled eyebrow, gazing into the distance, cradling a pen in her hand. the faces are plastered everywhere, on every available bit of space, sometimes on top of each other. its led to afghan cartoonists sketching someones face on top of someone elses legs.at first glance, these walls are just an unsightly mess of photographs. but, like the carpets of old, if you know this nations history, you can read meaning .into what seem like random patterns. these layers of paper form a bright new canvas of a nations dark history. general ulumi who once worked with the soviet red army is running for parliament. theres also mullah khaqsar who used to execute the writ of the taliban. but theres also malalai joya, the young woman who, a few years ago, bravely condemned the warlords in public.in this election, candidates must run as individuals, not as members of parties. but afghans know who everyone is. they know their past. they know their father, their grandfather, or at least, they do in most cases. but what if they dont? in the last month of campaigning, in towns and villages across this country, afghans, from village elders with wizened faces, to wide-eyed teenagers too young to vote, have sat cross legged in the shades of mulberry tress, or in air-conditioned rooms cooled with electricity powered by generators. theyve pondered and argued and debated the questions of this time.one dimensional photograph, after all, only tells part of this new story. as one afghan friend put it, in real life, many candidates with a past are two-faced. if elected to parliament, its still not clear which face they will show. but whatever happens, the opening of parliament will be the start of a new chapter. and no one here can say with certainty how that afghan story will unfold.答案：阿富汗議會(huì)大選阿富汗即將舉行300年來(lái)的首次議會(huì)選舉。對(duì)于一個(gè)經(jīng)歷了多年戰(zhàn)亂的國(guó)家來(lái)說(shuō)，這是個(gè)重大的時(shí)刻。不少批評(píng)者稱(chēng)，這次投票將只會(huì)進(jìn)一步加強(qiáng)擁有強(qiáng)權(quán)的軍事指揮人員和那些背景可疑的軍閥的權(quán)利。但是，一位從上世紀(jì)80年代末以來(lái)一直關(guān)注阿富汗的通訊記者萊斯，杜塞特指出，在一個(gè)新政治文化還處在形成階段的國(guó)家里，選舉程序本身已經(jīng)為長(zhǎng)久以來(lái)缺乏生機(jī)的政治生活注入了新的活力。如今，在喀布爾和其他一些城市的廣場(chǎng)和環(huán)形路121，四處可見(jiàn)林立的廣告牌。其中有賣(mài)豪華手表的，有宣傳民族團(tuán)結(jié)的，也有新阿富汗部隊(duì)的形象。但是，在過(guò)去的幾個(gè)月內(nèi)，整個(gè)國(guó)家的廣告牌、墻壁和圍墻在講述另一個(gè)故事。選舉候選人的畫(huà)像隨處可見(jiàn)，有穿西裝打領(lǐng)帶的中年人，也有包著頭巾蓄著長(zhǎng)長(zhǎng)的大胡子的人，他們的胡子或黑如黑衣或自如阿富汗的第一場(chǎng)雪。但幾乎沒(méi)有一個(gè)人是微笑著的。按照傳統(tǒng)，照相在阿富汗是件嚴(yán)肅的事情。甚至連結(jié)婚照也很少有人笑。4年前，在塔利班的統(tǒng)治下，這個(gè)國(guó)家的多數(shù)婦女被強(qiáng)行限制在家中。如今，她們的面孔也出現(xiàn)在廣告牌上：例如候選人薩布林娜，圍著迷人的淡黃色頭巾；候選人蘇克瑞亞的眉毛描得非常漂亮，她注視著前方，手里拿著一支鋼筆。這些女性面孔被張貼得到處都是，只要有空余空間就會(huì)貼上一張，有時(shí)候甚至?xí)粡堔粡埖刭N，這一場(chǎng)景啟發(fā)了阿富汗的漫畫(huà)家們的創(chuàng)作靈感，他們紛紛把人臉畫(huà)在了其他人的腿上。乍一看來(lái)，它們只是一堆很不好看的照片。但是，就像舊地毯一樣，如果你了解這個(gè)國(guó)家的歷史，就可以從那些看似不經(jīng)意的圖案中讀出其中的意味。這一層層的海報(bào)為這個(gè)國(guó)家灰暗的歷史創(chuàng)造出一幅全新的色彩明快的油畫(huà)。曾經(jīng)在蘇聯(lián)紅軍工作過(guò)的烏魯米將軍也參加了議會(huì)選舉。過(guò)去曾經(jīng)是塔利班命令執(zhí)行者的穆拉卡克薩爾也參加了選舉。參選的還有馬拉萊，朱婭，這位年輕女性曾在幾年前勇敢地公開(kāi)抨擊軍閥。在這次選舉中，候選人只能以個(gè)人身份，不得以黨派身份參選。但是，阿富汗的民眾都知道他們，了解他們的歷史，認(rèn)識(shí)他們的父親或是祖父，至少在多數(shù)情況下是這樣。但即使他們不了解又會(huì)怎樣？在上個(gè)月的選舉中，全國(guó)各個(gè)城市和鄉(xiāng)村的阿富汗人上至來(lái)自鄉(xiāng)村的面容干枯的老者，下至還不能投票的大眼睛小孩子都盤(pán)腿坐在桑樹(shù)蔭下，或坐在裝有發(fā)電機(jī)帶動(dòng)的空調(diào)的房間內(nèi)，思考、爭(zhēng)論、討論著當(dāng)今的問(wèn)題。一張照片畢竟只能講述這一新故事的部分內(nèi)容。正如一位阿富汗朋友所說(shuō)，在現(xiàn)實(shí)生活中，許多有背景的候選人都是雙面人，不知他們被選進(jìn)議會(huì)后會(huì)顯示出哪一副面孔。但是，無(wú)論發(fā)生了什么，議會(huì)的設(shè)立開(kāi)啟了一個(gè)新的篇章。我們現(xiàn)在還不知道阿富汗的故事將如何展開(kāi)。the other presidential raceeuropeans are as fascinated as the rest of the world by this years american presidential election. rather fewer are aware that this autumn the european union will choose a president of its own. the job being created by the new lisbon treaty is that of the first permanent president of the european council, the body that brings together all 27 heads of eu governments. the president may well turn into the eus public face in dealing with, among others, his american counterpart.unfortunately, the eu has a history of dreadful rows over top jobs. remember britains veto in 1994 of jean-luc dehaene as president of the european commission (the eus executive branch), or the failed franco-german attempt to squeeze a later belgian prime minister, guy verhofstadt, into the job in 2004 worst was the summit to launch the euro in may 1998, which degenerated into a 12-hour squabble over who should run the european central bank. it was settled by a dubious deal to split the eight-year term between a dutchman, wim duisenberg11, and a frenchman, jean-claude trichet.such a record fills one with foreboding over the choice of the first eu president. and this is not the only top job in play. under lisbon, there will also be a quasi-foreign minister who will double up as the external-affairs commissioner. in 2009 there will be new presidents of the european commission and of the european parliament. the task of negotiating over these posts will fall to president nicolas sarkozy, since france holds the rotating eu presidency in the second half of 2008.circling around these plums has begun. there are delicacies of timing and consultation: the foreign minister will replace an existing commissioner, and the european parliament, to be re-elected in june 2009, will want a say in at least three of the jobs. most of the choices will be made by majority vote and not, as in the past, by unanimity, ending the right of veto-though nobody would want to be picked over the objections of a big eu country.speculation over candidates to be european council president is rife16 even though the functions of the job remain fuzzy, as does its relationship to governments that still hold the rotating eu presidency. but that uncertainty may mean the role is determined by the personality of its first holder. last year mr. sarkozy hinted that he would back britains tony blair for the job. since mr. blair pushed for the posts creation in the first place, he might seem suitable. but like all front-runners, he has met opposition: because he joined america in iraq, because he comes from a big eu country, because he is not pro-european enough, because britain is not in the euro or the schengen passport-free zone.hence a trickle of other names: luxembourgs jean-claude juncker, austrias wolfgang schilssel, denmarks anders fogh rasmussen, irelands bertie ahem. some are tarred by scandal (mr. ahem); others routinely deny any interest in the job ( mr. fogh rasmussen). as in the eurovision song contest, neighbours often back each other: the germans lean towards mr. schilssel, the belgians like mr. juncker and scandinavians favour mr. fogh rasmussen. because a majority of eu governments are from the centre-right (now including italys), the first president may be too. but if jose manuel barroso of portugal is reselected as president of the european commission, which looks likely, a centre-left european council president might be a good balance.as for the putative foreign minister, the incumbent, javier solana of spain, could continue in the job, certainly for the first year or so. but he is not universally approved of, so other names are also in the frame. they include carl bildt of sweden, michel bamier of france, belgiums mr. verhofstadt and even joschka fischer, a former german foreign minister.in the past the choices might have been made by mr sarkozy and germanys angela merkel, maybe in cahoots with britains gordon brown. the views of this trio, especially ms merkel, still, matter. but the eu now has 27 members, including ten east european countries. that makes agreeing on one job, let alone four, harder. it may favour a conventional presidential pick: mr juncker or, if he is cancelled out by mr blair, mr schilssel.treading the world stage yet this is not a time for the usual brussels name game. the idea of a permanent president of the european council was resisted by many smaller countries. but now it is being created, it would be ludicrous to fill it with a minor figure; a juncker or a schilssel. to the outside world-india or china, say-the president will speak for europe. if the eu wants to be a serious global actor, that points to a world figure. unless ms merkel steps forward, which is improbable, the only such person in the running is mr. blair.and there are two other arguments for him. first, he would disprove the notion that senior eu people must come from countries that join in all eu policies, including the euro, defence and justice and home affairs. this line was used to block chris patten as a commission president in 2004. but in an increasingly multispeed europe, it would rule out nominees from more than half the eu countries. the eu president will not represent his government-indeed, though mr. brown says he backs mr. blair, few believe he is wholly sincere. if the criterion is europeanness, france, italy and germany should be disqualified as they are the worst offenders when it comes to breaching eu rules. europe might end up being run only by belgians and luxembourgeois.mr. blair has a second advantage: he would remind the notoriously sceptical british that they are important players. this worked only up to a point with roy jenkins as commission president in the late 1970s. three decades on, a british eu president would give pause to those who maintain that britain never has any influence in brussels. as one top eurocrat sums it up, the boldest choice for europe would be the three bs: blair, barroso and bildt. if it works in classical music, why not for europe?答案：登上世界舞臺(tái)然而此刻還不是布魯塞爾玩名字游戲的時(shí)候。設(shè)立歐盟理事會(huì)常任主席的想法遭到許多小國(guó)的反對(duì)。但是現(xiàn)在既然要設(shè)立，若由類(lèi)似容克或許塞爾這樣的小角色擔(dān)此要職的話，那就顯得荒唐了。對(duì)外部世界，如印度或中國(guó)而言，歐洲理事會(huì)主席將是整個(gè)歐洲的代言人。歐盟要想成為世界上舉足輕重的角色，就需要推出一位世界級(jí)人物。除非默克爾挺身而出（這是不大可能的），此一職位就非托尼布萊爾莫屬了。支持布萊爾還有兩個(gè)理由。首先，有人認(rèn)為歐盟的高級(jí)官員必須來(lái)自那些參加了包括歐元、防務(wù)、司法及民政事務(wù)在內(nèi)的所有歐盟政策的國(guó)家，而布萊爾的當(dāng)選將證明這種觀點(diǎn)是錯(cuò)誤的。正是這種觀點(diǎn)導(dǎo)致2004年彭定康未能出任歐盟委員會(huì)主席。但是在一個(gè)發(fā)展速度日漸不平衡的歐洲，這項(xiàng)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)將把半數(shù)以上歐盟國(guó)家的候選人排除在外。歐盟主席所代表的并不是他的國(guó)家事實(shí)上，雖然布朗口頭上支持布萊爾，但沒(méi)幾個(gè)人相信他是真心的。如果以“歐洲性”作為衡量標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，那么法國(guó)，意大利和德國(guó)都不夠格，因?yàn)檫`反歐盟規(guī)則最嚴(yán)重的，恰恰是這幾個(gè)國(guó)家?；蛟S歐洲最終只能讓比利時(shí)人和盧森堡人來(lái)掌管。布萊爾還有一個(gè)優(yōu)勢(shì)。英國(guó)人對(duì)歐盟素來(lái)持懷疑態(tài)度，布萊爾的當(dāng)選將提醒他們：英國(guó)也是歐盟的重要的成員。這一點(diǎn)英國(guó)人羅伊詹金斯在上世紀(jì)七十年代末擔(dān)任歐盟委員會(huì)主席時(shí)做得很不夠。三十年過(guò)去了，如果布萊爾出任歐洲理事會(huì)主席，那些聲稱(chēng)英國(guó)在布魯塞爾毫無(wú)影響力的英國(guó)人應(yīng)該閉上嘴了。正如一位歐盟高官所言：“歐洲最大膽的選擇將是3b(即三個(gè)姓氏以字母8開(kāi)頭的人選)：布萊爾，巴羅佐和比爾特”。如果3b在古典音樂(lè)領(lǐng)域行得通的話，在歐洲為什么不行呢？the relationship between politicians and the pressin the seaside town of brighton in southern england the ruling labour partys annual conference is getting underway. its a time for both mps and grassroots members to take stock of how the party is doing, to discuss policy and to hear, hopefully inspiring speeches. the party delegates will be hoping too for plenty of coverage from the media assembled there.newspapers in britain have long had great influence over governments, much to the resentment of the politicians. almost seventy-five years ago, the then prime minister stanley baldwin accused the two big press barons, lords beaverbrook and rothermere, of running their papers as engines of propaganda for the personal wishes and personal dislikes of two men. he famously accused them of seeking power without responsibility-the prerogative of the harlot throughout the ages. its hard to imagine the current prime minister tony blair attacking the tabloid press so publicly.the former editor of the daily mirror piers morgan claimed earlier this year that he met the labour leader no fewer than fifty-eight times for lunches, dinners or interviews, a statistic which astonished many in government and the media, who thought a party leader and prime minister should have had better ways to spend his time. but tony blair has good reason to court the press. in britain, labour, left-of-centre governments, have always had problems with national newspapers, most of whose owners traditionally supported the right-of-centre conservative party. this came to a head onelection day in 1992 when labour seemed set to win power for the first time in eighteen years.in those days, britains biggest-selling daily paper, the sun, part of rupert murdochs media empire, was no friend of labour, indeed it had been margaret thatchers biggest cheerleader. that morning, on its front page, it depicted the bald head of the then labour leader neil kinnock as a light bulb. alongside ran the headline: if kinnock wins today, will the last person to leave britain please turn out the lights? labour lost. by the next election, tony blair was the partys leader and determined to win over, or at least neutralize, the sun and its owner. he succeeded, moving the labor party towards the center ground, and gaining the suns endorsement at the last three elections.once in government, labour played hardball with the media, relishing its power, and aware that if it did not take charge of the agenda, the media would. its key figure was the former political editor of the daily mirror, alasdair campbell, who took charge not just of the prime ministers press office but all government press officers, trying to ensure the government spoke with one voice. journalists who reported favorably were given privileged access; those who didnt were frozen out.mr. blair maintained his close links with r murdoch and his newspapers; doing everything he could to maintain their support. lance price claims in his diaries that the government assured the tycoon and his editors that it wouldnt change its policy on europe without asking them.答案：政客和媒體的關(guān)系執(zhí)政黨工黨的年度會(huì)議正在英國(guó)南部的海濱小鎮(zhèn)布萊頓舉行。這是下議院議員和基層成員對(duì)該黨業(yè)績(jī)做出判斷、討論政策以及充滿希望地聽(tīng)取鼓舞人心演講的時(shí)刻。該黨代表也希望聚集在那里的媒體能夠?qū)λ麄冞M(jìn)行大幅報(bào)道。長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)，英國(guó)的報(bào)刊對(duì)政府一直具有很大的影響。政客們對(duì)此非常不滿。早在75年前，首相斯坦利鮑德溫就曾指控當(dāng)時(shí)的兩大新聞大亨比弗布魯克和羅瑟米爾勛爵將其報(bào)紙作為“宣傳的引擎”來(lái)表達(dá)“兩人的個(gè)人意愿和愛(ài)好”，稱(chēng)他們尋求“娼妓長(zhǎng)期以來(lái)享有的特權(quán)只管享受，不負(fù)責(zé)任”。這一論斷非常有名。很難想象現(xiàn)任首相托尼，布萊爾會(huì)如此公開(kāi)地攻擊小報(bào)媒體。每日鏡報(bào)的前任編輯皮爾斯，摩根曾在今年早些時(shí)候稱(chēng)他與這位工黨黨魁在一起共進(jìn)午餐、晚宴或進(jìn)行訪談的次數(shù)不下于58次。這一數(shù)字震驚了政府和媒體界的眾多要人，他們認(rèn)為一位政黨黨魁兼任國(guó)家首相的人應(yīng)該有更好的方式來(lái)利用他的時(shí)間。但是托尼，布萊爾討好媒體是有很好理由的。在英國(guó)，中間偏左的工黨政府人員總是與國(guó)家報(bào)紙媒體存在矛盾，因?yàn)楹笳叩睦习鍤v來(lái)?yè)碜o(hù)中間偏右的保守黨。這種傾向在1992年大選中發(fā)揮了決定性的作用，當(dāng)時(shí)工黨即將贏來(lái)其18年來(lái)的首次競(jìng)選勝出。在那個(gè)時(shí)期，英國(guó)最大的日?qǐng)?bào)賣(mài)家是太陽(yáng)報(bào)，它是魯珀特，莫多克傳媒帝國(guó)的一個(gè)組成部分。而這家與工黨并不友好的報(bào)刊實(shí)際上是撒切爾夫人的最大支持者。那天早晨，其頭版將當(dāng)時(shí)禿頭的工黨黨魁尼爾基諾克描繪成電燈泡。旁邊的大字標(biāo)題寫(xiě)著：“如果基諾克今天獲勝了，請(qǐng)最后一名離開(kāi)英國(guó)的人將燈關(guān)上好嗎？”工黨最終輸了大選。而到了下屆大選時(shí)，托尼布萊爾成了工黨的黨魁，他決心將太陽(yáng)報(bào)及其老板都爭(zhēng)取過(guò)來(lái)，或者至少使其保持中立。他成功做到了這一點(diǎn)，將工黨推向了中