2019年CATTI三級(jí)筆譯實(shí)務(wù)練習(xí)題：中日利益交匯點(diǎn)何在漢譯英中日利益交匯點(diǎn)何在?不可否認(rèn)，在21世紀(jì)中日兩國(guó)戰(zhàn)略利益是存在新的交匯點(diǎn)的。首先，共同對(duì)付非傳統(tǒng)威脅是中日戰(zhàn)略利益的交匯點(diǎn)之一。隨著冷戰(zhàn)后國(guó)際形勢(shì)的發(fā)展，特別是911事件、非典疫情爆發(fā)以來，對(duì)非傳統(tǒng)安全問題的關(guān)注明顯上升，共同對(duì)付非傳統(tǒng)威脅的戰(zhàn)略需要必將成為連接21世紀(jì)中日關(guān)系的強(qiáng)韌紐帶。其次，在傳統(tǒng)安全方面加強(qiáng)合作也是中日戰(zhàn)略利益的一個(gè)重要交匯點(diǎn)。在傳統(tǒng)安全方面，在中日雙方尚難以達(dá)到互信的狀況下，就會(huì)特別關(guān)注對(duì)方的力量發(fā)展和如何使用這種力量的意圖。因此，中日兩國(guó)應(yīng)該以對(duì)等、正常、實(shí)事求是的心態(tài)來看待對(duì)方發(fā)展。在1998年簽署的中日《共同聲明》中，中國(guó)已同日本達(dá)成了建立致力于和平與發(fā)展的友好合作的伙伴關(guān)系的共識(shí)，今后需要真正將這種伙伴關(guān)系落到實(shí)處。第三，中日不再戰(zhàn)是兩國(guó)戰(zhàn)略利益的最根本的交匯點(diǎn)。中日兩國(guó)是一衣帶水的鄰邦，這不僅意味著合作起來很方便而且也意味著加害于對(duì)方也很方便，特別是現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)技術(shù)已經(jīng)使得受害方立即實(shí)施報(bào)復(fù)成為可能，如果我們兩大鄰國(guó)再爆發(fā)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，其結(jié)果必定是雙輸。在一定意義上或許可以說，中日不再戰(zhàn)是中日兩國(guó)戰(zhàn)略利益的最大交匯點(diǎn)。政治是經(jīng)濟(jì)的集中表現(xiàn)。日本成為經(jīng)濟(jì)大國(guó)的現(xiàn)實(shí)必然要反映到政治上來。日本走向政治大國(guó)是國(guó)際格局多極化使然。但是，在日趨緊密的日美同盟之下，日本盡管有做政治大國(guó)的愿望，其外交在本質(zhì)上依然擺脫不了對(duì)美從屬的中等國(guó)家外交的境界。當(dāng)然，日美關(guān)系中既然有美對(duì)日控制的一面，就必然有日對(duì)美反控制的一面。20世紀(jì)90年代以來，日本通過參加聯(lián)合國(guó)維和活動(dòng)，在不少熱點(diǎn)地區(qū)的沖突中發(fā)揮出自己的作用?？梢哉J(rèn)為，日本對(duì)美獨(dú)立性的增強(qiáng)是日本走向政治大國(guó)的前提條件，從這個(gè)意義上說，美對(duì)日成為真正的政治大國(guó)是不會(huì)高興不會(huì)支持的，因?yàn)檫@意味著日本會(huì)逐漸變得不那么緊跟，不那么聽話，甚至成為像某些歐洲國(guó)家那樣敢于頂撞美國(guó)的國(guó)家。然而，在國(guó)際社會(huì)看來，日本發(fā)揮政治大國(guó)的作用符合多極化發(fā)展趨勢(shì)。一國(guó)的國(guó)家利益包括經(jīng)濟(jì)利益、安全利益、政治利益、社會(huì)利益籌，中日兩國(guó)的經(jīng)濟(jì)利益、安全利益、政治利益、社會(huì)利益等方面均存在著利益交匯之處。鑒于中日兩國(guó)都把發(fā)展經(jīng)濟(jì)作為國(guó)家的首要任務(wù)，因此可以說經(jīng)濟(jì)利益也是中日國(guó)家利益交匯的基礎(chǔ)和核心，發(fā)展中日經(jīng)貿(mào)合作既符合中日兩國(guó)的利益，也符合經(jīng)濟(jì)全球化的潮流。當(dāng)今中國(guó)仍面臨著實(shí)現(xiàn)工業(yè)化的任務(wù)，那么，如何利用和借鑒日本的工業(yè)化技術(shù)和經(jīng)驗(yàn)來加快中國(guó)工業(yè)化，就成為我國(guó)發(fā)展對(duì)日關(guān)系的根本利益所在。而日本也需要從中國(guó)的快速經(jīng)濟(jì)增長(zhǎng)和充滿活力的改革中獲益，這又成為日本發(fā)展對(duì)華關(guān)系的根本利益所在。中日兩國(guó)有著各自的生產(chǎn)要素優(yōu)勢(shì)，如勞動(dòng)力、土地、技術(shù)、資金、管理等，發(fā)展中日經(jīng)濟(jì)合作可以促使兩國(guó)各自優(yōu)勢(shì)的活力競(jìng)相迸發(fā)，這也是發(fā)展中日經(jīng)貿(mào)關(guān)系的根本目的之所在。參考譯文WhatAretheMutualIntereststhatLinkChinaandJapan?TherearesomeundeniablenewlinksinthestrategicinterestsofChinaandJapaninthe21stcentury.Firstisdealingwithnon-traditionalthreatstosecurity.WiththedevelopmentoftheinternationalsituationsincetheendoftheColdWar,inparticularsincetheterroristattacksintheUnitedStatesonSeptember11,2001,andtheoutbreakofSARS(severeacuterespiratorysyndrome)in2003,therehasbeenanobviousincreaseinawarenessofnon-traditionalsecuritythreats.Jointlycopingwiththechallenges/ThestrategicneedstojointlycopewiththechallengesposedbythosethreatswillsurelybecomeastronglinkintherelationshipbetweenChinaandJapaninthe21stcentury.Second,enhancingcooperationinthefieldoftraditionalsecurityisalsoacornerstoneofSino-Japanesestrategicinterests.Withregardtotraditionalsecurity,sincemutualtrusthasnotyetbeenachieved,bothsideswillbeespeciallyconcernedwiththeother’sgrowingpowerandhowthatpowercouldbeused.ThusChinaandJapanshouldtreateachother’sdevelopmentwithanequal,normalandrealisticattitude.Bothcountrieshavereachedaconsensusonestablishingafriendlycooperativepartnershipdevotedtopeaceanddevelopment,whichwasdemonstratedintheirjointstatementsignedin1998.Whatweneedtodointhefutureistorealizethisconsensus.Third,nomorewarbetweenChinaandJapanisthemostfundamentalcommongroundlinkingthestrategicinterestsofthetwocountries.ChinaandJapanarecloseneighborsseparatedonlybyastripofwater.Thisindicatesthatitisconvenienteithertocooperatewitheachotherordoharmtoeachother.Modernmilitarytechnologyhasmadeitabsolutelycertainthattheonewhodoesharmtotheotherwillfaceimmediateretaliation.Ifawarbrokeoutbetweenustwoneighbors,therewouldbenothingelsebutano-winconsequence.Therefore,tosomeextent,nomorewarbetweenChinaandJapanisthemostbasicjoiningpointofstrategicinterestsbetweenthetwocountries.Politicsisareflectionoftheeconomy.ThefactthatJapanisaneconomicgiantwillsurelybereflectedinpolitics.Japan’sbecomingamajorpoliticalpowerresultedfromthetrendofmulti-polarizationintheinternationalstructure.However,undertheincreasinglycloseJapan-USalliance,Japan’sdiplomaticclouthasnotgonebeyondbeingamediumnationsubordinatetotheUnitedStates,despiteitswishofbecomingamajorpoliticalpower.Ofcourse,therearetwosidestoeverycoin.Sincethe1990s,byparticipatingintheUnitedNations’peacekeepingactivities,Japanhasplayeditsownpartinmanyhotspotsaroundtheworld.ItcanbearguedthatJapan’sbeingindependentoftheUnitedStatesisthepre-conditionofitsbecomingamajorpoliticalpower.Inthisrespect,theUnitedStateswillnotreallybepleasedwithandsupportiveofJapan’sascensionto{amajorpoliticalpowerbecausethismeansJapanwillnolongerbesocloselyalignedwithAmerica,orlikesomeEuropeancountries,willevendaretosaynototheUnitedStates.Butfromtheviewpointoftheinternationalcommunity,Japan’sroleasamajorpoliticalpowerisinlinewiththedevelopingtrendofmulti-polarization.Nationalinterestsofacountryincludeeconomicinterests,securityinterests,politicalinterestsandsocialinterests,etc.Therearejoiningpointsineconomic,security,politicalandsocialinterestsbetweenChinaandJapan.SincebothChinaandJapanregarddevelopingeconomyastheprimarytaskofthenation,economicinterestsareatthecoreoftheirnationalinterests.DevelopingSino-Japaneseeconomicandtradecooperationconformstonotonlytheinterestsofbothcountriesbutalsothetrendofeconomicglobalization.Chinaisstillfacedwiththetaskofrealizingindustrialization.Hence,thefundamentalinterestsofChina’srelationswithJapanlieinhowtomakeuseofandlearnfromJapan’stechnologyandexperiencetoaccelerateChina’sindustrialization.WhileonJapan’spart,itisoffundamentalinteresttobenefitfromChina’srapideconomicgrowthandenergeticreform.ChinaandJapanhavetheirrespectiveadvantagesregardingprodu