IntroductionofFrancisBacon(中英對(duì)照)ExcerptoftheChapterVIIof<AHistoryofWesternPhilosophy>WrittenbyBERTRANDRUSSELL,

Audiofile<307FrancisBacon>deliveredbyBiHui.摘自伯特蘭?羅素所著《西方哲學(xué)史》第七章，音頻文件<307FrancisBacon>已由必輝提供。FRANCISBACON(1561-1626),althoughhisphilosophyisinmanywaysunsatisfactory,haspermanentimportanceasthefounderofmoderninductivemethodandthepioneerintheattemptatlogicalsystematizationofscienticprocedure.HewasasonofSirNicholasBacon,LordKeeperoftheGreatSeal,andhisauntwasthewifeofSirWilliamCecil,afterwardsLordBurghley;hethusgrewupintheatmosphereofstateaffairs.HeenteredParliamentattheageoftwenty-three,andbecameadvisertoEssex.Nonetheless,whenEssexfellfromfavourhehelpedinhisprosecution.Forthishehasbeenseverelyblamed:LyttonStrachey,forexample,inhisElizabethandEssex,representsBaconasamonsteroftreacheryandingratitude.Thisisquiteunjust.HeworkedwithEssexwhileEssexwasloyal,butabandonedhimwhencontinuedloyaltytohimwouldhavebeentreasonable;inthistherewasnothingthateventhemostrigidmoralistoftheagecouldcondemn.InspiteofhisabandonmentofEssex,hewasnevercompletelyinfavourduringthelifetimeofQueenElizabeth.WithJames'saccession,however,hisprospectsimproved.In1617heacquiredhisfather'sofficeofKeeperoftheGreatSeal,andin1618hebecameLordChancellor.Butafterhehadheldthisgreatpositionforonlytwoyears,hewasprosecutedforacceptingbribesfromlitigants.Headmittedthetruthofaccusation,pleadingonlythatpresentsneverinfluencedhisdecision.Astothat,anyonemayformhisownopinion,sincetherecanbenoevidenceastothedecisionsthatBaconwouldhavecometoinothercircumstances.Hewascondemnedtoafineof￡40,000,toimprisonmentintheTowerduringtheking'spleasure,toperpetualbanishmentfromcourtandinabilitytoholdoffice.Thissentencewasonlyverypartiallyexecuted.Hewasnotforcedtopaythefine,andhewaskeptintheTowerforonlyfourdays.Buthewascompelledtoabandonpubliclife,andtospendtheremainderofhisdaysinwritingimportantbooks.Theethicsofthelegalprofession,inthosedays,weresomewhatlax.Almosteveryjudgeacceptedpresents,usuallyfrombothsides.Nowadayswethinkitatrociousforajudgetotakebribes,butevenmoreatrocious,aftertakingthem,todecideagainstthegiversofthem.Inthosedays,presentswereamatterofcourse,andajudgeshowedhis"virtue"bynotbeinginfluencedbythem.Baconwascondemnedasanincidentinapartysquabble,notbecausehewasexceptionallyguilty.Hewasnotamanofoutstandingmoraleminence,likehisforerunnerSirThomasMore,buthewasalsonotexceptionallywicked.Morally,hewasanaverageman,nobetterandnoworsethanthebulkofhiscontemporaries.Afterfiveyearsspentinretirement,hediedofachillcaughtwhileexperimentingonrefrigerationbystuffingachickenfullofsnow.Bacon'smostimportantbook,TheAdvancementofLearning,isinmanywaysremarkablymodern.Heiscommonlyregardedastheoriginatorofthesaying"Knowledgeispower,"andthoughhemayhavehadpredecessorswhosaidthesamething,hesaiditwithnewemphasis.Thewholebasisofhisphilosophywaspractical:togivemankindmasteryovertheforcesofnaturebymeansofscientificdiscoveriesandinventions.Heheldthatphilosophyshouldbekeptseparatefromtheology,notintimatelyblendedwithitasinscholasticism.Heacceptedorthodoxreligion;hewasnotthemantoquarrelwiththegovernmentonsuchamatter.ButwhilehethoughtthatreasoncouldshowtheexistenceofGod,heregardedeverythingelseintheologyasknownonlybyrevelation.Indeedheheldthatthetriumphoffaithisgreatestwhentotheunaidedreasonadogmaappearsmostabsurd.Philosophy,however,shoulddependonlyuponreason.Hewasthusanadvocateofthedoctrineof"doubletruth,"thatofreasonandthatofrevelation.ThisdoctrinehadbeenpreachedbycertainAverroistsinthethirteenthcentury,buthadbeencondemnedbytheChurch.The"triumphoffaith"was,fortheorthodox,adangerousdevice.Bayle,inthelateseventeenthcentury,madeironicaluseofit,settingforthatgreatlengthallthatreasoncouldsayagainstsomeorthodoxbelief,andthenconcluding"somuchthegreateristhetriumphoffaithinneverthelessbelieving."HowfarBacon'sorthodoxywassincereitisimpossibletoknow.Baconwasthefirstofthelonglineofscientificallymindedphilosopherswhohaveemphasizedtheimportanceofinductionasopposedtodeduction.Likemostofhissuccessors,hetriedtofindsomebetterkindofinductionthanwhatiscalled"inductionbysimpleenumeration."Inductionbysimpleenumerationmaybeillustratedbyaparable.TherewasonceuponatimeacensusofficerwhohadtorecordthenamesofallhouseholdersinacertainWelshvillage.ThefirstthathequestionedwascalledWilliamWilliams;sowerethesecond,third,fourth,...Atlasthesaidtohimself:"Thisistedious;evidentlytheyareallcalledWilliamWilliams.Ishallputthemdownsoandtakeaholiday."Buthewaswrong;therewasjustonewhosenamewasJohnJones.Thisshowsthatwemaygoastrayifwetrusttooimplicitlyininductionbysimpleenumeration.Baconbelievedthathehadamethodbywhichinductioncouldbemadesomethingbetterthanthis.Hewished,forexample,todiscoverthenatureofheat,whichhesupposed(rightly)toconsistofrapidirregularmotionsofthesmallpartsofbodies.Hismethodwastomakelistsofhotbodies,listsofcoldbodies,andlistsofbodiesofvaryingdegreesofheat.Hehopedthattheselistswouldshowsomecharacteristicalwayspresentinhotbodiesandabsentincoldbodies,andpresentinvaryingdegreesinbodiesofdifferentdegressofheat.Bythismethodheexpectedtoarriveatgenerallaws,having,inthefirstinstance,thelowestdegreeofgenerality.Fromanumberofsuchlawshehopedtoreachlawsoftheseconddegreeofgenerality,andsoon.Asuggestedlawshouldbetestedbybeingappliedinnewcircumstances;ifitworkedinthesecircumstancesitwastothatextentconfirmed.Someinstancesarespeciallyvaluablebecausetheyenableustodecidebetweentwotheories,eachpossiblesofaraspreviousobservationsareconcerned;suchinstancesarecalled"prerogative"instances.Baconnotonlydespisedthesyllogism,butundervaluedmathematics,presumablyasinsufficientlyexperimental.HewasvirulentlyhostiletoAristotle,butthoughtveryhighlyofDemocritus.AlthoughhedidnotdenythatthecourseofnatureexemplifiesaDivinepurpose,heobjectedtoanyadmixtureofteleologicalexplanationintheactualinvestigationofphenomena;everything,heheld,shouldbeexplainedasfollowingnecessarilyfromefficientcauses.Hevaluedhismethodasshowinghowtoarrangetheobservationaldatauponwhichsciencemustbebased.Weought,hesays,tobeneitherlikespiders,whichspinthingsoutoftheirowninsides,norlikeants,whichmerelycollect,butlikebees,whichbothcollectandarrange.Thisissomewhatunfairtotheants,butitillustratesBacon'smeaning.OneofthemostfamouspartsofBacon'sphilosophyishisenumerationofwhathecalls"idols,"bywhichhemeansbadhabitsofmindthatcausepeopletofallintoerror.Oftheseheenumeratesfivekinds."Idolsofthetribe"arethosethatareinherentinhumannature;hementionsinparticularthehabitofexpectingmoreorderinnaturalphenomenathanisactuallytobefound."Idolsofthecave"arepersonalprejudices,characteristicoftheparticularinvestigator."Idolsofthemarket-place"arethosethathavetodowiththetyrannyofwordsandthedifficultyofescapingfromtheirinfluenceoverourminds."Idolsofthetheatre"arethosethathavetodowithreceivedsystemsofthought;ofthese,naturallyAristotleandthescholasticsaffordedhimthemostnoteworthyinstances.Lastlythereare"idolsoftheschools,"whichconsistinthinkingthatsomeblindrule(suchasthesyllogism)cantaketheplaceofjudgementininvestigation.AlthoughsciencewaswhatinterestedBacon,andalthoughhisgeneraloutlookwasscientific,hemissedmostofwhatwasbeingdoneinscienceinhisday.HerejectedtheCopernicantheory,whichwasexcusablesofarasCopernicushimselfwasconcerned,sincehedidnotadvanceanyverysolidarguments.ButBaconoughttohavebeenconvincedbyKepler,whoseNewAstronomyappearedin1609.BaconappearsnottohaveknownoftheworkofVesalius,thepioneerofmodernanatomy,orofGilbert,whoseworkonmagnetismbrilliantlyillustratedinductivemethod.Stillmoresurprising,heseemedunconsciousoftheworkofHarvey,althoughHarveywashismedicalattendant.ItistruethatHarveydidnotpublishhisdiscoveryofthecirculationoftheblooduntilafterBacon'sdeath,butonewouldhavesupposedthatBaconwouldhavebeenawareofhisresearches.Harveyhadnoveryhighopinionofhim,saying"hewritesphilosophylikeaLordChancellor."NodoubtBaconcouldhavedonebetterifhehadbeenlessconcernedwithworldlysuccess.Bacon'sinductivemethodisfaultythroughinsufficientemphasisonhypothesis.Hehopedthatmereorderlyarrangementofdatawouldmaketherighthypothesisobvious,butthisisseldomthecase.Asarule,theframingofhypothesesisthemostdifficultpartofscientificwork,andthepartwheregreatabilityisindispensable.Sofar,nomethodhasbeenfoundwhichwouldmakeitpossibletoinventhypothesesbyrule.Usuallysomehypothesisisanecessarypreliminarytothecollectionoffacts,sincetheselectionoffactsdemandssomewayofdeterminingrelevance.Withoutsomethingofthiskind,themeremultiplicityoffactsisbaffling.ThepartplayedbydeductioninscienceisgreaterthanBaconsupposed.Often,whenahypothesishastobetested,thereisalongdeductivejourneyfromthehypothesistosomeconsequencethatcanbetestedbyobservation.Usuallythedeductionismathematical,andinthisrespectBaconunderestimatedtheimportanceofmathematicsinscientificinvestigation.Theproblemofinductionbysimpleenumerationremainsunsolvedtothisday.Baconwasquiterightinrejectingsimpleenumerationwherethedetailsofscientificinvestigationareconcerned,forindealingwithdetailswemayassumegenerallawsonthebasisofwhich,solongastheyaretakenasvalid,moreorlesscogentmethodscanbebuiltup.JohnStuartMillframedfourcanonsofinductivemethod,whichcanbeusefullyemployedsolongasthelawofcausalityisassumed;butthislawitself,hehadtoconfess,istobeacceptedsolelyonthebasisofinductionbysimpleenumeration.Thethingthatisachievedbythetheoreticalorganizationofscienceisthecollectionofallsubordinateinductionsintoafewthatareverycomprehensive--perhapsonlyone.Suchcomprehensiveinductionsareconfirmedbysomanyinstancesthatitisthoughtlegitimatetoaccept,asregardsthem,aninductionbysimpleenumeration.Thissituationisprofoundlyunsatisfactory,butneitherBaconnoranyofhissuccessorshavefoundawayoutofit.第七章弗蘭西斯?培根弗蘭西斯?培根(FrancisBacon,1561-1626)是近代歸納法的創(chuàng)始人，又是給科學(xué)研究程序進(jìn)行邏輯組織化的先驅(qū)，所以盡管他的哲學(xué)有許多地方欠圓滿，他仍舊占有永久不倒的重要地位。他是國璽大臣尼可拉斯?培根爵士的兒子，他的姨母就是威廉?西塞爾爵士(SirWilliamCecil)(即后來的柏立勛爵)的夫人；因而他是在國事氛圍中成長起來的。培根二十三歲作了下院議員，并且當(dāng)上艾塞克斯(Essex)的顧問。然而等到艾塞克斯一失寵，他就幫助對(duì)艾塞克斯進(jìn)行起訴。為這件事他一向受人嚴(yán)厲非難。例如，里頓?斯揣奇(LyttonStrachey)在他寫的《伊麗莎白與艾塞克斯》(ElizabethandEssex)里，把培根描繪成一個(gè)忘恩背義的大惡怪。這十分不公正。他在艾塞克斯忠君期間與他共事，但是在繼續(xù)對(duì)他忠誠就會(huì)構(gòu)成叛逆的時(shí)候拋棄了他；在這點(diǎn)上，并沒有絲毫甚至讓當(dāng)時(shí)最嚴(yán)峻的道德家可以指責(zé)的地方。盡管他背棄了艾塞克斯，當(dāng)伊麗莎白女王在世期間他總沒有得到十分寵信。不過詹姆士一即位，他的前程便開展了。1617年培根獲得父親曾任的國璽大臣職位，1618年作了大法官。但是他據(jù)有這個(gè)顯職僅僅兩年后，就被按接受訴訟人的賄賂起訴。培根承認(rèn)告發(fā)是實(shí)，但只聲辯說贈(zèng)禮絲毫不影響他的判決。關(guān)于這點(diǎn)，誰都可以有他個(gè)人的意見，因?yàn)樵诹硪环N情況下他本來要作出什么判決，不會(huì)有證據(jù)。他被判處罰金四萬鎊；監(jiān)禁倫敦塔中，期限隨國王的旨意；終生逐出朝廷，不能任官職。這判決不過執(zhí)行了極小一部分。并沒有強(qiáng)令他繳付罰款，他在倫敦塔里也只關(guān)禁了四天。但是他被迫放棄了官場(chǎng)生活，而以撰寫重要的著作度他的余年。在那年代，法律界的道德有些廢弛墮落。幾乎每一個(gè)法官都接受饋贈(zèng)，而且通常雙方的都收。如今我們認(rèn)為法官受賄是駭人聽聞的事，但是受賄以后再作出對(duì)行賄人不利的判決，這更駭人聽聞。然而在那個(gè)時(shí)代，饋贈(zèng)是當(dāng)然的慣例，作法官的憑不受贈(zèng)禮影響這一點(diǎn)表現(xiàn)"美德"。培根遭罪本是一場(chǎng)黨派爭哄中的風(fēng)波，并不是因?yàn)樗裢庥凶?。他雖不是像他的前輩托馬斯?莫爾爵士那樣一個(gè)德操出眾的人，但是他也不特別奸惡。在道德方面，他是一個(gè)中常人，和同時(shí)代大多數(shù)人比起來不優(yōu)不劣。培根過了五年退隱生活后，有一次把一只雞肚里塞滿雪作冷凍實(shí)驗(yàn)時(shí)受了寒，因此死去。培根的最重要的著作《崇學(xué)論》(TheAdvancementofLearning)在許多點(diǎn)上帶顯著的近代色彩。一般認(rèn)為他是"知識(shí)就是力量"這句格言的創(chuàng)造者；雖然以前講過同樣話的也許還有人在，他卻從新的著重點(diǎn)來講這格言。培根哲學(xué)的全部基礎(chǔ)是實(shí)用性的，就是借助科學(xué)發(fā)現(xiàn)與發(fā)明使人類能制馭自然力量。他主張哲學(xué)應(yīng)當(dāng)和神學(xué)分離，不可像經(jīng)院哲學(xué)那樣與神學(xué)緊密揉雜在一起。培根信正統(tǒng)宗教；他并非在此種問題上跟政府鬧爭執(zhí)的那樣人。但是，他雖然以為理性能夠證明神存在，他把神學(xué)中其它一切都看作僅憑啟示認(rèn)識(shí)的。的確，他倒主張如果在沒有啟示協(xié)助的理性看來，某個(gè)教理顯得極荒謬，這時(shí)候信仰勝利最偉大。然而哲學(xué)應(yīng)當(dāng)只依靠理性。所以他是理性真理與啟示真理"二重真理"論的擁護(hù)者。這種理論在十三世紀(jì)時(shí)有一些阿威羅伊派人曾經(jīng)倡說過，但是受到了教會(huì)譴責(zé)。"信仰勝利"對(duì)正統(tǒng)信徒講來是一句危險(xiǎn)的箴言。十七世紀(jì)晚期，貝勒（Bayle）曾以諷刺口吻使用這箴言，他詳細(xì)縷述了理性對(duì)某個(gè)正統(tǒng)信仰所能講的一切反對(duì)話，然后作結(jié)論說："盡管如此仍舊信仰，這信仰勝利越發(fā)偉大。"至于培根的正統(tǒng)信仰真誠到什么程度，那就無從知道了。歷來有多少哲學(xué)家強(qiáng)調(diào)演繹的相反一面即歸納的重要性，在這類稟有科學(xué)氣質(zhì)的哲學(xué)家漫長的世系中，培根是第一人。培根也如同大多數(shù)的后繼者，力圖找出優(yōu)于所謂"單純枚舉歸納"的某種歸納。單純枚舉歸納可以借一個(gè)寓言作實(shí)例來說明。昔日有一位戶籍官須記錄下威爾士某個(gè)村莊里全體戶主的姓名。他詢問的第一個(gè)戶主叫威廉?威廉斯；第二個(gè)戶主、第三個(gè)、第四個(gè)……也叫這名字；最后他自己說："這可膩了！他們顯然都叫威廉?威廉斯。我來把他們照這登上，休個(gè)假。"可是他錯(cuò)了；單單有一位名字叫約翰?瓊斯的。這表示假如過于無條件地信賴單純枚舉歸納，可能走上岔路。培根相信他有方法，能夠把歸納做出一種比這要高明的東西。例如，他希圖發(fā)現(xiàn)熱的本質(zhì)，據(jù)他設(shè)想（這想法正確）熱是由物體的各個(gè)微小部分的快速不規(guī)則運(yùn)動(dòng)構(gòu)成的。他的方法是做出各種熱物體的一覽表、各種冷物體的表、以及熱度不定的物體的表。他希望這些表會(huì)顯示出某種特性，在熱物體總有，在冷物體總無，而在熱度不定的物體有不定程度的出現(xiàn)。憑這方法，他指望得到初步先具有最低級(jí)普遍性的一般法則。由許多這種法則，他希望求出有二級(jí)普遍性的法則，等等依此類推。如此提出的法則必須用到新情況下加以檢驗(yàn)；假如在新情況下也管用，在這個(gè)范圍內(nèi)便得到證實(shí)。某些事例讓我們能夠判定按以前的觀察來講均可能對(duì)的兩個(gè)理論，所以特別有價(jià)值，這種事例稱作"特權(quán)"事例。培根不僅瞧不起演繹推理，也輕視數(shù)學(xué)，大概以為數(shù)學(xué)的實(shí)驗(yàn)性差。他對(duì)亞里士多德懷著惡毒的敵意，但是給德滿克里特非常高的評(píng)價(jià)。他雖然不否認(rèn)自然萬物的歷程顯示出神的意旨，卻反對(duì)在實(shí)地研究各種現(xiàn)象當(dāng)中摻雜絲毫目的論解釋。他主張一切事情都必須解釋成由致效因必然產(chǎn)生的結(jié)果。培根對(duì)自己的方法的評(píng)價(jià)是，它告訴我們?nèi)绾握砜茖W(xué)必須依據(jù)的觀察資料。他說，我們既不應(yīng)該像蜘蛛，從自己肚里抽絲結(jié)網(wǎng)，也不可像螞蟻，單只采集，而必須像蜜蜂一樣，又采集又整理。這話對(duì)螞蟻未免欠公平，但是也足以說明培根的意思。培根哲學(xué)中一個(gè)最出名的部分就是他列舉出他所謂的"幻象"。他用"幻象"來指讓人陷于謬誤的種種壞心理習(xí)慣。他舉出五種幻象。"種族幻象"是人性當(dāng)中固有的幻象；他特別提到指望自然現(xiàn)象中有超乎實(shí)際可尋的秩序這種習(xí)慣。"洞窟幻象"是個(gè)別研究者所特有的私人成見。"市場(chǎng)幻象"是關(guān)乎語言控制人心、心意難免除話語影響的幻象。"劇場(chǎng)幻象"是與公認(rèn)的思想體系有關(guān)系的幻象；在這些思想體系當(dāng)中，不待說亞里士多德和經(jīng)院哲學(xué)家的思想體系就成了他的最值得注意的實(shí)例。這些都是學(xué)者們的錯(cuò)誤：就是以為某個(gè)現(xiàn)成死套（例如三段論法）在研究當(dāng)中能代替判斷。盡管培根感興趣的正是科學(xué)，盡管他的一般見解也是科學(xué)的，他卻忽略了當(dāng)時(shí)科學(xué)中大部分正進(jìn)行的事情。他否定哥白尼學(xué)說；只就哥白尼本人講，這還情有可原，因?yàn)楦绨啄岵]提出多么牢靠的議論。但是開普勒的《新天文學(xué)》（NewAstronomy）發(fā)表在1609年，開普勒總該讓培根信服才對(duì)。吉爾伯特對(duì)磁性的研究是歸納法的光輝范例，培根對(duì)他倒贊賞；然而他似乎根本不知道近代解剖學(xué)的先驅(qū)維薩留斯(Vesalius)的成績。出人意料的是，哈維是他的私人醫(yī)生，而他對(duì)哈維的工作好像也茫然不知。固然哈維在培根死后才公布他的血液循環(huán)發(fā)現(xiàn)，但是人們總以為培根會(huì)知道他的研究活動(dòng)的。哈維不很高看培根，說"他像個(gè)大法官似的寫哲學(xué)"。假使培根原來對(duì)功名利祿不那么關(guān)切，他當(dāng)然會(huì)寫得好一些。培根的歸納法由于對(duì)假說不夠重視，以致帶有缺點(diǎn)。培根希望僅只把觀察資料加以系統(tǒng)整理，正確假說就會(huì)顯明畢露，但事實(shí)很難如此。一般講，設(shè)假說是科學(xué)工作中最難的部分，也正是少不得大本領(lǐng)的部分。迄今為止，還沒有找出方法，能夠按定規(guī)創(chuàng)造假說。通常，有某種的假說是收集事實(shí)的必要先決條件，因?yàn)樵趯?duì)事實(shí)的選擇上，要求有某種方法確定事實(shí)是否與題有關(guān)。離了這種東西，單只一大堆事實(shí)就讓人束手無策。演繹在科學(xué)中起的作用，比培根想的要大。當(dāng)一個(gè)假說必須驗(yàn)證時(shí)，從這假說到某個(gè)能由觀察來驗(yàn)證的結(jié)論，往往有一段漫長的演繹程序。這種演繹通常是數(shù)理推演，所以在這點(diǎn)上培根低估了數(shù)學(xué)在科學(xué)研究中的重要性。單純枚舉歸納問題到今天依舊是懸案。涉及科學(xué)研究的細(xì)節(jié)，培根排斥單純枚舉歸納，這完全正確。因?yàn)樵谔幚砑?xì)節(jié)的時(shí)候，我們可以假定一般法則，只要認(rèn)為這種法則妥善，就能夠以此為基礎(chǔ)，建立起來多少還比較有力的方法。約翰?斯圖亞特?穆勒設(shè)出歸納法四條規(guī)范，只要假定因果律成立，四條規(guī)范都能用來有效。但是穆勒也得承認(rèn)，因果律本身又完全在單純枚舉歸納的基礎(chǔ)上才信得過?？茖W(xué)的理論組織化所做到的事情就是把一切下級(jí)的歸納歸攏成少數(shù)很概括的歸納——也許只有一個(gè)。這樣的概括的歸納因?yàn)楸辉S多的事例所證實(shí)，便認(rèn)為就它們來講，合當(dāng)承認(rèn)單純枚舉歸納。這種事態(tài)真不如意到極點(diǎn)，但是無論培根或他的任何后繼者，都沒從這局面中找到一條出路。CHAPTERVII——FrancisBacon第七章弗蘭西斯?培根FRANCISBACON(1561-1626),althoughhisphilosophyisinmanywaysunsatisfactory,haspermanentimportanceasthefounderofmoderninductivemethodandthepioneerintheattemptatlogicalsystematizationofscienticprocedure.弗蘭西斯?培根(FrancisBacon，1561-1626)是近代歸納法的創(chuàng)始人，又是給科學(xué)研究程序進(jìn)行邏輯組織化的先驅(qū)，所以盡管他的哲學(xué)有許多地方欠圓滿，他仍舊占有永久不倒的重要地位。HewasasonofSirNicholasBacon,LordKeeperoftheGreatSeal,andhisauntwasthewifeofSirWilliamCecil,afterwardsLordBurghley;hethusgrewupintheatmosphereofstateaffairs.他是國璽大臣尼可拉斯?培根爵士的兒子，他的姨母就是威廉?西塞爾爵士(SirWilliamCecil)(即后來的柏立勛爵)的夫人；因而他是在國事氛圍中成長起來的。HeenteredParliamentattheageoftwenty-three,andbecameadvisertoEssex.Nonetheless,whenEssexfellfromfavourhehelpedinhisprosecution.Forthishehasbeenseverelyblamed:培根二十三歲作了下院議員，并且當(dāng)上艾塞克斯(Essex)的顧問。然而等到艾塞克斯一失寵，他就幫助對(duì)艾塞克斯進(jìn)行起訴。為這件事他一向受人嚴(yán)厲非難。LyttonStrachey,forexample,inhisElizabethandEssex,representsBaconasamonsteroftreacheryandingratitude.Thisisquiteunjust.HeworkedwithEssexwhileEssexwasloyal,butabandonedhimwhencontinuedloyaltytohimwouldhavebeentreasonable;inthistherewasnothingthateventhemostrigidmoralistoftheagecouldcondemn.例如，里頓?斯揣奇(LyttonStrachey)在他寫的《伊麗莎白與艾塞克斯》(ElizabethandEssex)里，把培根描繪成一個(gè)忘恩背義的大惡怪。這十分不公正。他在艾塞克斯忠君期間與他共事，但是在繼續(xù)對(duì)他忠誠就會(huì)構(gòu)成叛逆的時(shí)候拋棄了他；在這點(diǎn)上，并沒有絲毫甚至讓當(dāng)時(shí)最嚴(yán)峻的道德家可以指責(zé)的地方。InspiteofhisabandonmentofEssex,hewasnevercompletelyinfavourduringthelifetimeofQueenElizabeth.WithJames'saccession,however,hisprospectsimproved.盡管他背棄了艾塞克斯，當(dāng)伊麗莎白女王在世期間他總沒有得到十分寵信。不過詹姆士一即位，他的前程便開展了。In1617heacquiredhisfather'sofficeofKeeperoftheGreatSeal,andin1618hebecameLordChancellor.Butafterhehadheldthisgreatpositionforonlytwoyears,hewasprosecutedforacceptingbribesfromlitigants.Headmittedthetruthofaccusation,pleadingonlythatpresentsneverinfluencedhisdecision.Astothat,anyonemayformhisownopinion,sincetherecanbenoevidenceastothedecisionsthatBaconwouldhavecometoinothercircumstances.Hewascondemnedtoafineof￡40,000,toimprisonmentintheTowerduringtheking'spleasure,toperpetualbanishmentfromcourtandinabilitytoholdoffice.Thissentencewasonlyverypartiallyexecuted.Hewasnotforcedtopaythefine,andhewaskeptintheTowerforonlyfourdays.Buthewascompelledtoabandonpubliclife,andtospendtheremainderofhisdaysinwritingimportantbooks.1617年培根獲得父親曾任的國璽大臣職位，1618年作了大法官。但是他據(jù)有這個(gè)顯職僅僅兩年后，就被按接受訴訟人的賄賂起訴。培根承認(rèn)告發(fā)是實(shí)，但只聲辯說贈(zèng)禮絲毫不影響他的判決。關(guān)于這點(diǎn)，誰都可以有他個(gè)人的意見，因?yàn)樵诹硪环N情況下他本來要作出什么判決，不會(huì)有證據(jù)。他被判處罰金四萬鎊；監(jiān)禁倫敦塔中，期限隨國王的旨意；終生逐出朝廷，不能任官職。這判決不過執(zhí)行了極小一部分。并沒有強(qiáng)令他繳付罰款，他在倫敦塔里也只關(guān)禁了四天。但是他被迫放棄了官場(chǎng)生活，而以撰寫重要的著作度他的余年。Theethicsofthelegalprofession,inthosedays,weresomewhatlax.Almosteveryjudgeacceptedpresents,usuallyfrombothsides.Nowadayswethinkitatrociousforajudgetotakebribes,butevenmoreatrocious,aftertakingthem,todecideagainstthegiversofthem.Inthosedays,presentswereamatterofcourse,andajudgeshowedhis"virtue"bynotbeinginfluencedbythem.Baconwascondemnedasanincidentinapartysquabble,notbecausehewasexceptionallyguilty.Hewasnotamanofoutstandingmoraleminence,likehisforerunnerSirThomasMore,buthewasalsonotexceptionallywicked.Morally,hewasanaverageman,nobetterandnoworsethanthebulkofhiscontemporaries.在那年代，法律界的道德有些廢弛墮落。幾乎每一個(gè)法官都接受饋贈(zèng)，而且通常雙方的都收。如今我們認(rèn)為法官受賄是駭人聽聞的事，但是受賄以后再作出對(duì)行賄人不利的判決，這更駭人聽聞。然而在那個(gè)時(shí)代，饋贈(zèng)是當(dāng)然的慣例，作法官的憑不受贈(zèng)禮影響這一點(diǎn)表現(xiàn)"美德"。培根遭罪本是一場(chǎng)黨派爭哄中的風(fēng)波，并不是因?yàn)樗裢庥凶?。他雖不是像他的前輩托馬斯?莫爾爵士那樣一個(gè)德操出眾的人，但是他也不特別奸惡。在道德方面，他是一個(gè)中常人，和同時(shí)代大多數(shù)人比起來不優(yōu)不劣。Afterfiveyearsspentinretirement,hediedofachillcaughtwhileexperimentingonrefrigerationbystuffingachickenfullofsnow.培根過了五年退隱生活后，有一次把一只雞肚里塞滿雪作冷凍實(shí)驗(yàn)時(shí)受了寒，因此死去。Bacon'smostimportantbook,TheAdvancementofLearning,isinmanywaysremarkablymodern.Heiscommonlyregardedastheoriginatorofthesaying"Knowledgeispower,"andthoughhemayhavehadpredecessorswhosaidthesamething,hesaiditwithnewemphasis.Thewholebasisofhisphilosophywaspractical:togivemankindmasteryovertheforcesofnaturebymeansofscientificdiscoveriesandinventions.Heheldthatphilosophyshouldbekeptseparatefromtheology,notintimatelyblendedwithitasinscholasticism.Heacceptedorthodoxreligion;hewasnotthemantoquarrelwiththegovernmentonsuchamatter.ButwhilehethoughtthatreasoncouldshowtheexistenceofGod,heregardedeverythingelseintheologyasknownonlybyrevelation.培根的最重要的著作《崇學(xué)論》(TheAdvancementofLearning)在許多點(diǎn)上帶顯著的近代色彩。一般認(rèn)為他是"知識(shí)就是力量"這句格言的創(chuàng)造者；雖然以前講過同樣話的也許還有人在，他卻從新的著重點(diǎn)來講這格言。培根哲學(xué)的全部基礎(chǔ)是實(shí)用性的，就是借助科學(xué)發(fā)現(xiàn)與發(fā)明使人類能制馭自然力量。他主張哲學(xué)應(yīng)當(dāng)和神學(xué)分離，不可像經(jīng)院哲學(xué)那樣與神學(xué)緊密揉雜在一起。培根信正統(tǒng)宗教；他并非在此種問題上跟政府鬧爭執(zhí)的那樣人。但是，他雖然以為理性能夠證明神存在，他把神學(xué)中其它一切都看作僅憑啟示認(rèn)識(shí)的。Indeedheheldthatthetriumphoffaithisgreatestwhentotheunaidedreasonadogmaappearsmostabsurd.Philosophy,however,shoulddependonlyuponreason.Hewasthusanadvocateofthedoctrineof"doubletruth,"thatofreasonandthatofrevelation.ThisdoctrinehadbeenpreachedbycertainAverroistsinthethirteenthcentury,buthadbeencondemnedbytheChurch.The"triumphoffaith"was,fortheorthodox,adangerousdevice.Bayle,inthelateseventeenthcentury,madeironicaluseofit,settingforthatgreatlengthallthatreasoncouldsayagainstsomeorthodoxbelief,andthenconcluding"somuchthegreateristhetriumphoffaithinneverthelessbelieving."HowfarBacon'sorthodoxywassincereitisimpossibletoknow.的確，他倒主張如果在沒有啟示協(xié)助的理性看來，某個(gè)教理顯得極荒謬，這時(shí)候信仰勝利最偉大。然而哲學(xué)應(yīng)當(dāng)只依靠理性。所以他是理性真理與啟示真理"二重真理"論的擁護(hù)者。這種理論在十三世紀(jì)時(shí)有一些阿威羅伊派人曾經(jīng)倡說過，但是受到了教會(huì)譴責(zé)。"信仰勝利"對(duì)正統(tǒng)信徒講來是一句危險(xiǎn)的箴言。十七世紀(jì)晚期，貝勒(Bayle)曾以諷刺口吻使用這箴言，他詳細(xì)縷述了理性對(duì)某個(gè)正統(tǒng)信仰所能講的一切反對(duì)話，然后作結(jié)論說："盡管如此仍舊信仰，這信仰勝利越發(fā)偉大。"至于培根的正統(tǒng)信仰真誠到什么程度，那就無從知道了。Baconwasthefirstofthelonglineofscientificallymindedphilosopherswhohaveemphasizedtheimportanceofinductionasopposedtodeduction.Likemostofhissuccessors,hetriedtofindsomebetterkindofinductionthanwhatiscalled"inductionbysimpleenumeration."Inductionbysimpleenumerationmaybeillustratedbyaparable.TherewasonceuponatimeacensusofficerwhohadtorecordthenamesofallhouseholdersinacertainWelshvillage.ThefirstthathequestionedwascalledWilliamWilliams;sowerethesecond,third,fourth,...Atlasthesaidtohimself:"Thisistedious;evidentlytheyareallcalledWilliamWilliams.Ishallputthemdownsoandtakeaholiday."Buthewaswrong;therewasjustonewhosenamewasJohnJones.Thisshowsthatwemaygoastrayifwetrusttooimplicitlyininductionbysimpleenumeration.歷來有多少哲學(xué)家強(qiáng)調(diào)演繹的相反一面即歸納的重要性，在這類稟有科學(xué)氣質(zhì)的哲學(xué)家漫長的世系中，培根是第一人。培根也如同大多數(shù)的后繼者，力圖找出優(yōu)于所謂"單純枚舉歸納"的某種歸納。單純枚舉歸納可以借一個(gè)寓言作實(shí)例來說明。昔日有一位戶籍官須記錄下威爾士某個(gè)村莊里全體戶主的姓名。他詢問的第一個(gè)戶主叫威廉?威廉斯；第二個(gè)戶主、第三個(gè)、第四個(gè)……也叫這名字；最后他自己說："這可膩了！他們顯然都叫威廉?威廉斯。我來把他們照這登上，休個(gè)假。"可是他錯(cuò)了；單單有一位名字叫約翰?瓊斯的。這表示假如過于無條件地信賴單純枚舉歸納，可能走上岔路。Baconbelievedthathehadamethodbywhichinductioncouldbemadesomethingbetterthanthis.Hewished,forexample,todiscoverthenatureofheat,whichhesupposed(rightly)toconsistofrapidirregularmotionsofthesmallpartsofbodies.Hismethodwastomakelistsofhotbodies,listsofcoldbodies,andlistsofbodiesofvaryingdegreesofheat.Hehopedthattheselistswouldshowsomecharacteristicalwayspresentinhotbodiesandabsentincoldbodies,andpresentinvaryingdegreesinbodiesofdifferentdegressofheat.Bythismethodheexpectedtoarriveatgenerallaws,having,inthefirstinstance,thelowestdegreeofgenerality.Fromanumberofsuchlawshehopedtoreachlawsoftheseconddegreeofgenerality,andsoon.Asuggestedlawshouldbetestedbybeingappliedinnewcircumstances;ifitworkedinthesecircumstancesitwastothatextentconfirmed.培根相信他有方法，能夠把歸納做出一種比這要高明的東西。例如，他希圖發(fā)現(xiàn)熱的本質(zhì)，據(jù)他設(shè)想(這想法正確)熱是由物體的各個(gè)微小部分的快速不規(guī)則運(yùn)動(dòng)構(gòu)成的。他的方法是做出各種熱物體的一覽表、各種冷物體的表、以及熱度不定的物體的表。他希望這些表會(huì)顯示出某種特性，在熱物體總有，在冷物體總無，而在熱度不定的物體有不定程度的出現(xiàn)。憑這方法，他指望得到初步先具有最低級(jí)普遍性的一般法則。由許多這種法則，他希望求出有二級(jí)普遍性的法則，等等依此類推。如此提出的法則必須用到新情況下加以檢驗(yàn)；假如在新情況下也管用，在這個(gè)范圍內(nèi)便得到證實(shí)。Someinstancesarespeciallyvaluablebecausetheyenableustodecidebetweentwotheories,eachpossiblesofaraspreviousobservationsareconcerned;suchinstancesarecalled"prerogative"instances.某些事例讓我們能夠判定按以前的觀察來講均可能對(duì)的兩個(gè)理論，所以特別有價(jià)值，這種事例稱作"特權(quán)"事例。Baconnotonlydespisedthesyllogism,butundervaluedmathematics,presumablyasinsufficientlyexperimental.HewasvirulentlyhostiletoAristotle,butthoughtveryhighlyofDemocritus.AlthoughhedidnotdenythatthecourseofnatureexemplifiesaDivinepurpose,heobjectedtoanyadmixtureofteleologicalexplanationintheactualinvestigationofphenomena;everything,heheld,shouldbeexplainedasfollowingnecessarilyfromefficientcauses.培根不僅瞧不起演繹推理，也輕視數(shù)學(xué)，大概以為數(shù)學(xué)的實(shí)驗(yàn)性差。他對(duì)亞里士多德懷著惡毒的敵意，但是給德滿克里特非常高的評(píng)價(jià)。他雖然不否認(rèn)自然萬物的歷程顯示出神的意旨，卻反對(duì)在實(shí)地研究各種現(xiàn)象當(dāng)中摻雜絲毫目的論解釋。他主張一切事情都必須解釋成由致效因必然產(chǎn)生的結(jié)果。Hevaluedhismethodasshowinghowtoarrangetheobservationaldatauponwhichsciencemustbebased.Weought,hesays,tobeneitherlikespiders,whichspinthingsoutoftheirowninsides,norlikeants,whichmerelycollect,butlikebees,whichbothcollectandarrange.Thisissomewhatunfairtotheants,butitillustratesBacon'smeaning.培根對(duì)自己的方法的評(píng)價(jià)是，它告訴我們?nèi)绾握砜茖W(xué)必須依據(jù)的觀察資料。他說，我們既不應(yīng)該像蜘蛛，從自己肚里抽絲結(jié)網(wǎng)，也不可像螞蟻，單只采集，而必須像蜜蜂一樣，又采集又整理。這話對(duì)螞蟻未免欠公平，但是也足以說明培根的意思。OneofthemostfamouspartsofBacon'sphilosophyishisenumerationofwhathecalls"idols,"bywhichhemeansbadhabitsofmindthatcausepeopletofallintoerror.培根哲學(xué)中一個(gè)最出名的部分就是他列舉出他所謂的"幻象"。他用"幻象"來指讓人陷于謬誤的種種壞心理習(xí)慣。Oftheseheenumeratesfivekinds."Idolsofthetribe"arethosethatareinherentinhumannature;hementionsinparticularthehabitofexpectingmoreorderinnaturalphenomenathanisactuallytobefound."Idolsofthecave"arepersonalprejudices,characteristicoftheparticularinvestigator."Idolsofthemarket-place"arethosethathavetodowiththetyrannyofwordsandthedifficultyofescapingfromtheirinfluenceoverourminds."Idolsofthetheatre"arethosethathavetodowithreceivedsystemsofthought;ofthese,naturallyAristotleandthescholasticsaffordedhimthemostnoteworthyinstances.Lastlythereare"idolsoftheschools,"whichconsistinthinkingthatsomeblindrule(suchasthesyllogism)cantaketheplaceofjudgementininvestigation.他舉出五種幻象。"種族幻象"是人性當(dāng)中固有的幻象；他特別提到指望自然現(xiàn)象中有超乎實(shí)際可尋的秩序這種習(xí)慣。"洞窟幻象"是個(gè)別研究者所特有的私人成見。"市場(chǎng)幻象"是關(guān)乎語言控制人心、心意難免除話語影響的幻象。"劇場(chǎng)幻象"是與公認(rèn)的思想體系有關(guān)系的幻象；在這些思想體系當(dāng)中，不待說亞里士多德和經(jīng)院哲學(xué)家的思想體系就成了他的最值得注意的實(shí)例。這些都是學(xué)者們的錯(cuò)誤：就是以為某個(gè)現(xiàn)成死套(例如三段論法)在研究當(dāng)中能代替判斷。AlthoughsciencewaswhatinterestedBacon,andalthoughhisgeneraloutlookwasscientific,hemissedmostofwhatwasbeingdoneinscienceinhisday.HerejectedtheCopernicantheory,whichwasexcusablesofarasCopernicushimselfwasconcerned,sincehedidnotadvanceanyverysolidarguments.ButBaconoughttohavebeenconvincedbyKepler,whoseNewAstronomyappearedin1609.BaconappearsnottohaveknownoftheworkofVesalius,thepioneerofmodernanatomy,orofGilbert,whoseworkonmagnetismbrilliantlyillustratedinductivemethod.盡管培根感興趣的正是科學(xué)，盡管他的一般見解也是科學(xué)的，他卻忽略了當(dāng)時(shí)科學(xué)中大部分正進(jìn)行的事情。他否定哥白尼學(xué)說；只就哥白尼本人講，這還情有可原，因?yàn)楦绨啄岵]提出多么牢靠的議論。但是開普勒的《新天文學(xué)》(NewAstronomy)發(fā)表在1609年，開普勒總該讓培根信服才對(duì)。吉爾伯特對(duì)磁性的研究是歸納法的光輝范例，培根對(duì)他倒贊賞；然而他似乎根本不知道近代解剖學(xué)的先驅(qū)維薩留斯(Vesalius)的成績。Stillmoresurprising,heseemedunconsciousoftheworkofHarvey,althoughHarveywashismedicalattendant.ItistruethatHarveydidnotpublishhisdiscoveryofthecirculationoftheblooduntilafterBacon'sdeath,butonewouldhavesupposedthatBaconwouldhavebeenawareofhisresearches.