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AnnouncementsOn-lineBlackboardquizforchapter4isnowup.Youmaytakeit5times,topscorecountsIampushingExam2backaday.WewillhavetheexamonFeb.28.LanguagedevelopmentsectionincludesinformationfromChapter3,pages72-87Homework#2duetodayThelanguageexplosionisnotjusttheresultofsimplesemanticdevelopment;thechildisnotjustaddingmorewordstohis/hervocabulary.Childismasteringbasicsyntacticandmorphologicalprocesses.LanguageexplosioncontinuesTake100utterancesandcountthenumberofmorphemesperutteranceSyntaxDaddycoming.Hi,car.Daddycarcomed.Twocaroutside.Itgettingdark.Allgoneoutside.Bye-byeoutside.#morphemes:3,2,4,3,4,2,2‘-ing’and‘-ed’separatemorphemes‘a(chǎn)llgone’treatedasasinglewordMLU=morphemes/utterances=20/7=2.86Meanlengthofutterance(MLU)inmorphemesProto-syntax(??)Holophrases(around1-1.5years)Single-wordutterancesmaybeusedtoexpressmorethanthemeaningusuallyattributedtothatsinglewordbyadultsLanguageexplosioncontinues“dog”
mightrefertothedogisdrinkingwaterTypicallyidiosyncratic,butsomeconventional/common(e.g.,indicatetheexistenceofanobject,requestrecurrenceofobjectorevent)OftencombinedwithintonationorgestureControversialclaim:Mayreflectadevelopingsenseofsyntax,butnotyetknowinghowtouseit(e.g.,seeBloom,1973)SyntaxRogerBrown(1973)proposed5stages(determinedbyMLUnotage)Stage1:Telegraphicspeech(MLU~1.75;around24months)ChildrenbegintocombinewordsintoutterancesLimitedtoasmallset(11)ofsemanticrelations(75%oftheirutterances)LanguageexplosioncontinuesChildrenintelegraphicspeechstagearesaidtoleaveoutthe‘littlewords’andinflections:e.g.“Mummyshoe”
NOTMummy’sshoe“Twocat”
NOTtwocatsDebate:learningsemanticrelationsorsyntactic(positionrules)“babysleep”agent&actionorNounVerbMorethantwowordsStages2through5Stage2(MLU~2.25)
begintomodulatemeaningusingwordorder(syntax)Modulationsfornumber,time,aspectGradualacquisitionofgrammaticalmorphemes(“-ing”,“-s”Laterstagesreflectgenerallymorecomplexuseofsyntax(e.g.,questions,negatives)LanguageexplosioncontinuesSyntaxRogerBrown(1973)proposed5stagesInnatenessaccountsSemanticbootstrapping(e.g.,Pinker1984,1989)AcquiringSyntaxLearnedaccountsAcquiredfromthelinguisticinputfromtheenvironment(e.g.Bates,1979)ChildhasinnateknowledgeofsyntacticcategoriesandlinkingrulesChildlearnsthemeaningsofsomecontentwordsChildconstructssomesemanticrepresentationsofsimplesentencesChildmakesguessesaboutsyntacticstructurebasedonsurfaceformandsemanticmeaningSpeechtochildrenisnotimpoverished(Snow,1977):Child-directedspeechSimilarwordsoccurinsimilarlinguisticcontextsAcousticinformation(e.g.,prosody)mayprovidesyntacticcuesChildrenlearngrammarbymappingsemanticroles(agent,action,patient)ontogrammaticalcategories(subject,verb,object)MorphologyTypicallythingslikeinflectionsandprepositionsstartaroundMLUof2.5(usuallyin2yrolds)Kidsacquirethe“rules”forapplyingmorphologyWugexperiment(Berko-Gleason,1958)AcquiringMorphologyThispersonknowshowtorick.Shedidthesamethingyesterday.Yesterdayshe________.Typicallychildrensaythatshe“ricked.”AcquiringMorphologyAge(yrs)MorphemeExample(s)2PresentprogressiveIdriving2ArticlesAdog,thedoctor2PluralBalls2UncontractibleCopulaHeisasleep,am,are3ThirdpersonsingularHewantsanapple3FullprogressiveBe+ing,Iamsinging3RegularpasttenseShewalkedMorphology:orderofacquisitionisrelativelyconsistent(James&Kahn,1982)AcquiringMorphologyChildrensometimesmakemistakes.Myteacherholdedthebabyrabbits.YesSheholdedthebabyrabbits.Didyousayyourteacherheldthebabyrabbit?Whatdidyousayshedid?No,sheholdedthemloosely.Didyousayheldthemtightly?AcquiringMorphologyThisisungrammaticalintheadultlanguageShowsthatchildrenarenotsimplyimitatingInthiscase,whattheyproducesomethingthatisnotintheirinput.Childrensometimesmakemistakes.Myteacherholdedthebabyrabbits.Whydotheymakeerrorslikethese?Inthecaseathand,wehavewhatiscalledoverregularizationTheverbholdhasanirregularpasttenseform,heldBecausethisformisused,theregularpasttense--thatwith-ed--isnotfound(*hold-ed)AcquiringMorphologyChildrensometimesmakemistakes.Myteacherholdedthebabyrabbits.AcquiringMorphologyExamples:HortonhearedaWhoIfindedRenéeThealligatorgoedkerplunkStagesintheacquisitionofirregularinflectionsAcquiringMorphologyWithregularverbs,thedefaultform-edisusedWithirregulars,listsassociatingtheverbwithaparticularformofthepasttensehavetobememorized:Pasttenseis-twhenattachedtoleave,keep,etc.Is->wasDig->dugHas->hadThecaseofverbpasttense:AcquiringMorphologyStagesintheacquisitionofirregularinflectionstimeOnthefaceofit,learningthesemorphologicalquirksfollowsapeculiarpattern:Early:correctirregularformsareusedMiddle:incorrectregularformsareusedLate:correctformsareusedagainMemory&RulesWhydowefindthistypeofpattern?MemoryandrulesTheuseofoverregularizedformsstartsataroundthesamethatthatthechildisbeginningtoapplythedefault-edrulesuccessfullyEarly:Allforms--whetherregularorirregular--arememorizedMiddle:Theregularruleislearned,andinsomecasesoverappliedLate:Irregularsareusedbasedonmemory,regularsusetherule(theideaisthatifthewordcanprovideitsownpasttensefrommemory,thenthepasttenseruleisblocked)Memory&RulesWhydowefindthistypeofpattern?MemoryandrulesOtheraccountsMaratsos(2000)–frequencyexplanationItispossibletopredictwhichverbswillbesubjecttooverregularizationThemoreoftenanirregularformoccursintheinput,thelesslikelythechildistouseitasanoverregularizationThisisevidencethatsomepartofoverregularizationoccursbecauseofmemoryfailuresSomethingaboutirregularsisunpredictable,hencetheyhavetobememorizedWhatkindof“teaching”dokidsget?Iflanguageislearned(andnotinnate),howdokidsdoit?Whatkindoffeedbackdotheyget?Positiveevidence:KidsheargrammaticalsentencesNegativeevidence:informationthatagivensentenceisungrammaticalPovertyofthestimulus
Claim:Positiveevidenceisnotsufficientforlearningalanguage.Whatkindof“teaching”dokidsget?Arethekidsevenawareofmistakes?Thechildrenareapparentlyawareofthefactthattheirformsarestrange:Parent:Where’sMommy?Child:MommygoedtothestoreParent:Mommygoedtothestore?Child:NO!Daddy,Isayitthatway,notyouWhatkindof“teaching”dokidsget?HowmuchPositiveEvidenceisthere(inChild-Directedspeech)?Estimated5000–7000utterancesadayBetween?and?arequestionsOver20%arenot“full”adultsentences(typicallyNounorPrepositionalphrases)Onlyabout15%havetypicalEnglishSVOformRoughly45%ofallmaternalutterancesbeganwithoneof17words(e.g.,“what”,“that”,“it”,“you”)Cameron-Faulkner,etal(2003)Sowhatkidsdohearmaybesomewhatlimited.Whatkindof“teaching”dokidsget?Negativeevidencecouldcomeinvariousconceivableforms.Uponhearing“Billacookieate”,anadultmightGrammarteacherparentfeedback?“ThesentenceBillacookieateisnotasentenceinEnglish,Timmy.NosentencewithSOVwordorderis.”MorerealisticNotunderstandLookpainedRephrasetheungrammaticalsentencegrammatically“Billatacookie.”Kidsresistinstruction…McNeill(1966)Child:
Nobodydon’tlikeme.Adult:
No,say‘nobodylikesme.’Child:
Nobodydon’tlikeme.
[repeatseighttimes]
Adult:
No,nowlistencarefully;say‘nobodylikesme.’Child:
Oh!Nobodydon’tlikesme.Kidsresistinstruction…Cazden(1972)(observationattributedtoJeanBerkoGleason)Child:
Myteacherholdedthebabyrabbitsandwepattedthem.Adult:
Didyousayyourteacherheldthebabyrabbits?Child:
Yes.Adult:
Whatdidyousayshedid?Child:
Sheholdedthebabyrabbitsandwepattedthem.Adult:
Didyousaysheheldthemtightly?Child:
No,sheholdedthemloosely.Sotheredoesn’tseemtobealotofexplicitnegativeevidence,andwhatthereisthekidsoftenresist
Negativeevidenceviafeedback?Dokidsget“implicit”negativeevidence?Doadultsunderstandgrammaticalsentencesandnotunderstandungrammaticalones?Doadultsrespondpositivelytogrammaticalsentencesandnegativelytoungrammaticalones?Brown&Hanlon(1970):Casestudyof“Adam”-lookedatthingsthatweresaidtohimbyadults,andwhathesaidtothemAdultsunderstood42%ofthegrammaticalsentences.Adultsunderstood47%oftheungrammaticalones.Adultsexpressedapprovalafter45%ofthe
grammaticalsentences.Adultsexpressedapprovalafter45%oftheungrammaticalsentences.Suggeststhatthereisn’talotofgoodnegativeevidence.Negativeevidenceviafeedback?Inaway,it’smootanyway…Oneofthestrikingthingsaboutchildlanguageishowfewerrorstheyactuallymake.Fornegativefeedbacktowork,thekidshavetomaketheerrors(sothatitcangetthenegativeresponse).Buttheydon’tmakeenoughrelevantkindsoferrorstodeterminethecomplexgrammar.Pinker,Marcusandothers,concludethatmuchofthisstuffmustbeinnate.Butthisisn’ttheonlyview.Thereisanongoingdebateaboutwhethertherearerules,orwhetherthesepatternsofbehaviorcanbelearnedbasedonthelanguageevidencethatisavailabletothekidsCritical(sensitive)periodsCritical(sensitive)periodsCertainbehaviorisdevelopedmorequicklywithinacriticalperiodthanoutsideofit.Thisperiodisbiologicallydetermined.Examples:Imprintinginducks(Lorenz,;Hess,1973)DucklingswillfollowthefirstmovingthingtheyseeOnlyhappensiftheyseesomethingmovingwithinthefirstfewhours(after32hoursitwon’thappen)ofhatchingBinocularcellsinhumansCellsinvisualsystemthatrespondonlytoinputfrombotheyes.Ifthesecellsdon’tgetinputfrombotheyeswithinfirstyearoflife,theydon’tdevelopCritical(sensitive)periodsSomeenvironmentalinputisnecessaryfornormaldevelopment,butbiologydetermineswhentheorganismisresponsivetothatinput.That“when”isthecriticalperiodCertainbehaviorisdevelopedmorequicklywithinacriticalperiodthanoutsideofit.Thisperiodisbiologicallydetermined.CriticalperiodforlanguageItassumesthatlanguageacquisitionmustoccurbeforetheendofthecriticalperiodEstimatesrangefrom5yearsuptoonsetofpubertyLenneberg(1967)proposedthatthereisacriticalperiodforhumanlanguageEvidenceforcriticalperiodforlanguageFeralChildrenChildrenraisedinthewildorwithreducedexposuretohumanlanguageWhatistheeffectofthislackofexposureonlanguageacquisition?TwoclassiccasesVictor,theWildBoyofAveyronGenieVictor,TheWildBoyofAveyronFoundin1800neartheoutskirtsofAveyron,FranceEstimatedtobeabout7-years-oldConsideredbysometobethefirstdocumentedcaseofautismNeitherspokeorrespondedtospeechTakentoandstudiedbyDr.Jean-Marc-GaspardItard,andeducatorofdeaf-muteandretardedchildrenNeverlearnedtospeakandhisreceptivelanguageabilitywaslimitedtoafewsimplecommands.DescribedbyItardas“analmostnormalboywhocouldnotspeak”
GenieFoundinArcadia,Californiain1970,wasnotexposedtohumanlanguageuntilage13.5.RaisedinisolationasituationofextremeabuseGeniecouldbarelywalkandcouldnottalkwhenfoundDr.SusanCurtissmadegreateffortstoteachherlanguage,andshedidlearnhowtotalk,buthergrammarneverfullydeveloped.Onlycapableofproducingtelegraphicutterances(e.g.MikepaintorApplesaucebuystore)Usedfewclosed-classmorphemesandfunctionwordsSpeechsoundedlikethatofa2-year-oldGenieByageof17(after4yearsofextensivetraining)Vocabularyofa5yearoldPoorsyntax(telegraphicspeechmostly)ExamplesMamawashhairinsinkAtschoolscratchfaceIwantCurtissplaypianoLikegorideyellowschoolbusFathertakepiecewood.Hit.Cry.WhatDoTheseCasesTellUs?Suggestiveofthepositionthatthereisacriticalperiodforfirstlanguagelearning(inparticularforsyntaxandphonologicaldevelopment)Ifchildisnotexposedtolanguageduringearlychildhood(priortotheageof6or7),thentheabilitytolearnsyntaxwillbeimpairedwhileotherabilitiesarelessstronglyaffectedNotuncontroversial:VictorandGenieandchildrenlikethemweredeprivedinmanywaysotherthannotbeingexposedtolanguageGeniestoppedtalkingafterage30andwasinstitutionalizedshortlyafterward(Rymer,1993)WhatDoTheseCasesTellUs?Suggestiveofthepositionthatthereisacriticalperiodforfirstlanguagelearning(inparticularforsyntaxandphonologicaldevelopment)Why?Nativistexplanation(seepg79oftext)Maturationalexplanation:“l(fā)essismore”SecondlanguagelearningLearninganewlanguageWhatifwealreadyknowonelanguage,butwanttolearnanother?Adultslearninganotherlanguagetypicallyhaveapersistentforeignaccent–perhapsacriticalperiodforphonology(Flege&Hillenbrand,1984)Adultstypicallydobetterinitiallyatlearninganewlanguagecomparedtokids,butkidstypicallydobetteroverthelongterm(Krashen,Long,&Scarcella,1982)SecondlanguagelearningJohnsonandNewport(1989)NativeChinese/KoreanspeakersmovingtoUSTask:ListentosentencesandjudgewhethergrammaticallycorrectTestscoreAgeofarrival217R=-.87TestscoreAgeofarrival1740R=-.16SecondlanguagelearningJohnsonandNewport(1989)NativeChinese/KoreanspeakersmovingtoUSTask:ListentosentencesandjudgewhethergrammaticallycorrectConcludedthataroundtheageof16somethinghappensDifferentfactorsoperateonlanguageacquisitionbeforeandaftertheageof16BirdsongandMolis(2001)ReplicatedtheJohnsonandNewportstudyinSpanish/Englishspeakers.Didnotfindadiscontinuityaroundtheageof16EffectsoftheCriticalPeriodLearningalanguage:Under7years:perfectcommandofthelanguagepossibleAges8-c.15:PerfectcommandlesspossibleprogressivelyAge15-:ImperfectcommandpossibleButtheseclaimsarefarfromuniversallyacceptedBilinguals&PolyglotsManypeoplespeakmorethanonelanguageTucker(1999)-multilingualsoutnumbermonolingualsWhatistheimpactofknowing/usingmorethanonelanguage?Factorsaffectingsecondlanguageacquisition?Whatdoesthelexiconlooklike?InterestingeffectsinbilingualsInterferenceCodeswitchingCognitiveadvantagesSecondlanguageacquisitionContextsofchildhoodbilingualismSimultaneousBothlanguagesareacquiredatthesametimeVocabularygrowthofbilingualsissimilartothatofmonolingualsSomeaspectsofacquisitionmaybeslowed,butbyageof4typicallycaughtupDoesn’tseemtomatterwhetherlanguagesare“related”ornot(e.g.,English-FrenchversusEnglishJapanese)Canachieve“fluency”inbothlanguagesSequentialacquisitionThesecondlanguageislearnedafterafirstlanguageWhenthesecondlanguage(L2)isacquiredisimportantEarlyversuslatelearning(e.g.,seetheJohnsonandNewportstudy)SecondlanguageacquisitionHowdowerepresentlinguisticinformationinabilinguallexicon?ProbablydependsonmanyofthefactorsjustdiscussedLet’slookatsomemodelsandresearchfocusingonthesituationwhereL1isdominantrelativetoL2BilingualRepresentationsModelsofthebilinguallexiconsL1=FirstLanguageL2=SecondLanguagePotteretal(1984):SeparateStoresModels–separatelexiconsforeachlanguageL1L2CONCEPTSWordAssociationModelL1L2CONCEPTSConceptMediationModelModelsofthebilinguallexiconsL1=FirstLanguageL2=SecondLanguagePaivio,Clark,&Lambert(1988):CommonStoresModels–wordsfrombothlanguagesinsamestoreL1&L2CONCEPTSRevisedHierarchicalModelL1L2conceptslexicallinksconceptuallinksconceptuallinksKroll&Stewart(1994)ProposedthatthefluencyofL2needstobeconsideredintheprocessingmodelTheresultsaremixed,supportingmorecomplexmodelsMaybedifferentindifferentbilingualsdependingonthingslikeageofacquisition,relativeproficiency,etc.InterestingeffectsinbilingualsInterferenceCodeswitchingCognitiveadvantagesInterferenceDoesknowingtwolanguagesleadtointerference?Whenfound,interferenceisatmultiplelevels
Phonological-leastamountofinterferenceLexical-mixingwordsfromdifferentlanguagesInitially,appeartouseaonewordperthingstrategyButastheyrealizetherethatthey’respeakingtwolanguage,thenthey’llusewordsfrombothlanguagessimultaneouslySyntacticUntilyeartwo,mayuseonlyonesyntacticsystemwhichiscommontobothlanguagesThenabriefperiodwithtwosetsoflexicalitems,butstillacommonsyntaxFinally,twolexiconsandtwosetsofsyntaxInterestingeffectsinbilingualsInterestingeffectsinbilingualsDeterminewhoorwhatistheoneperformingtheaction.Thewaitresspushesthecowboys.Thetelephonespushesthecowboys.Kissesthetabletheapple.Thebasketstheteacherkicks.AsanativespeakerofEnglishwecanusemanycues:WordorderAnimacyVerbagreementNotalllanguagesusethesamecuestothesameextente.g.,Germandoesn’trelyasmuchonwordorder,butreliesmoreonagreementprocessesInterestingeffectsinbilingualsDeterminewhoorwhatistheoneperformingtheaction.Thewaitresspushesthecowboys.Thetelephonespushesthecowboys.Kissesthetabletheapple.Thebasketstheteacherkicks.Kilborn(1989,1994)Foundthatbilinguals(Englishassecondlanguage)typicallycarryoverthedominantprocessingstrategiesfromtheirnativelanguages.ThisinteractswiththeirleveloffluencyinthesecondlanguageCodeswitchingWhenbilingualssubstituteawordorphrasefromonelanguagewithaphraseorwordfromanotherlanguage
“IwantamotorcycleVERDE”Switchingissyst
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