1、11. Present-day philosophers usuallyPresent-day philosophers usually envi distinct from and superior to any particulartheir discipline as an endeavors been, since antiquity,ellectual discipline, such as theology or science. Suchphilosophical concerns as the mind-body problem or, more generally, the

2、nature of humnowledge, theybeve, are basic human questions whose tenive philosophical solutionse served as the nesaryfoundations on which all otherellectual speculation has rested.哲學(xué)家通常把他們的學(xué)科想象為自古以來一直區(qū)別并且優(yōu)于諸如或科學(xué)這種特定智力學(xué)科的一種努力。他們相信，例如哲學(xué)對于與問題的關(guān)注，或者更一般地，對于人類認(rèn)識本性的關(guān)注，都是人類基本的問題，而哲學(xué)上試探性的解決方案為所有其他知識的思考提供了必要的

3、基礎(chǔ)。The basis for this view, however,s in a serious misreion of the past, a projection of modernconcerns onto past events. The idea of an autonomous discipline called “philosophy,” distinct from and sitting in judgment on such pursuits as theology and science turns out, on close examination, to be of

4、 quiterecent origin. When,he seventeenth century, Descartes and Hobbes rejected medieval philosophy, theydid not think of themselves, as modern philosophers do, as proing a new and betthilosophy, but rather asfurthering “the warfare betn science and theology” . They were fighting, albeit discreetly,

5、 to open theellectual world to the new science and to liberateellectual life from ecclesiastical philosophy andenvied their work as contributing to the growth, not of philosophy, but of researchathematics andphysics. This link betn philosophicalerests and scientific practice persisted until the nine

6、teenthcentury, when decline in ecclesiasticaler over scholarship and changeshe nature of science provokedthe final separation of philosophy from both.然而，這個觀點的依據(jù)存在于對過去的嚴(yán)重誤解之中，把現(xiàn)代的關(guān)注投射在過去的事件上。仔細(xì)想想，把哲學(xué)作為一個獨立的、區(qū)別于于近代。當(dāng) 17 世紀(jì)Descartes 和Hobbes和科學(xué)的、并對這些學(xué)科做出判斷的學(xué)科的想法原來是源中世紀(jì)哲學(xué)時，他們并沒有像現(xiàn)代哲學(xué)家一樣認(rèn)為自己是更新穎的、更完善的哲學(xué)，而

7、是認(rèn)為自己在和科學(xué)的。他們力爭為新科學(xué)開辟智力世界，并且為了把智力生活從自己的工作憧憬為對數(shù)學(xué)和物理學(xué)踐之間的聯(lián)系持續(xù)到 19 世紀(jì)，那時候?qū)W和科學(xué)中分離出來。哲學(xué)中出來而奮斗，盡管這種奮斗是謹(jǐn)慎的，他們把點與科學(xué)實的促進，而不是對哲學(xué)本身的促進。哲學(xué)上的對于學(xué)術(shù)控制的削弱以及科學(xué)性質(zhì)的改變將哲學(xué)從神The demarcation of philosophy from science was facilied by the developmenthe early nineteenth eral explanation of whatcentury of a new notion,t philo

8、sophys coreerest should bestemology, tit means to know something. Modern philosophers now tracet notion backeast to Descartes andSpinoza, but it was not explicitly articulated until the late eighteenth century, by Kant, and did note builto the structure of academic institutions and the standard self

9、-descriptions of philosophy professors until thelate nineteenth century. Without the idea ofstemology, the survival of philosophy in an age of modernscience is hard to imagine. Metaphysics, philosophys traditional coreconsidered as the most generaldescription of how the heavens and the earre put tog

10、etherhad been rendered almost compleymeaningless by the spectacular progress of physics. Kant, however, by focusing philosophy on the problem ofknowledge, managed to replace metaphysics withstemology, and thus to transform the notion of philosophyas “queen of scien”o the new notion of philosophy as

11、a separate, foundational discipline. Philosophybecame “primary” no longer philosophers were able to rehe sense of “highest” buthe sense of “underlying”. After Kant,ret seventeennd eighteenth-century thinkers as attempting to discover“How is our knowledgesible?” and to project this question back even

12、 on the ancients.一個新觀點的發(fā)展在 19 世紀(jì)初推動了哲學(xué)與科學(xué)的劃分，這個新觀點認(rèn)為哲學(xué)應(yīng)該是認(rèn)識論(stemology)，認(rèn)識論用來普遍解釋認(rèn)識某事物的含義。目前，現(xiàn)代哲學(xué)家把這個觀點至少追溯到了Descartes 和Spinoza 時代，但是這個觀點直到 18 世紀(jì)末期才被Kant 清楚地闡述出來，并且直到19 世紀(jì)末期它才融合到學(xué)術(shù)機構(gòu)中以及哲學(xué)教授自我描述的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的學(xué)科中。要是沒有認(rèn)識論這個概念，難以想象哲學(xué)學(xué)科在現(xiàn)代科學(xué)的時代中如何能生存下去。作為哲學(xué)的傳統(tǒng)，形而上學(xué)(metaphysics)被看作是對于天地合一最普遍的解釋，但它由于物理學(xué)驚人的進步而變得完全沒有意

13、義。然而，Kant 把哲學(xué)聚焦到認(rèn)識問題上，想方設(shè)法用認(rèn)識論來取代形而上學(xué)，因此把哲學(xué)看作是“科學(xué)的皇后”的理念轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)榱税颜軐W(xué)看作一個獨立、基礎(chǔ)學(xué)科的理念。哲學(xué)變得更加“主要”，不再那么“高高在上”，而是一個“基礎(chǔ)”。 哲學(xué)家們以Kant 為模仿對象，可以把 17 至 18 世紀(jì)試圖發(fā)現(xiàn)“人類的認(rèn)識是如何可能的”，并且甚至可以把這個問題放到古人身上。家重新解釋為12. Although a historical lackAlthough a historical lack of acs to formal Spanish-language education initially limited

14、 theopportunities of some Chicanos to hone their skills as writers of Spanish, their bilingual culture clearly fosteredan exuberant and compelling oral tradition. Is thus generally been by way of the emphasis on oral literarycreativityt these Chicano writers, whose English-language works are sometim

15、es uninspired, developed theerful and arresting languaget characterized their Spanish-language works. This Spanish-Englishdifference is not surprising. When writing in Spanish, these authors stayed close to the spoken traditions of their communities where publication, support, and instructive respon

16、se would come quickly in local or regionalnewsprs. Works in English, however, often required the elimination of nuance or colloquialism, theadoption of a formal tone, and the adjustment of themes or ideas to satisfy the different demands of national publications.雖然歷史上正規(guī)西班牙語教育的機會的缺乏起初限制了某些Chicano 人磨練

17、自己的技術(shù)以及成為西班牙語作家的機會，但他們雙語的文化顯然培養(yǎng)了一種豐富的、引人入勝的口語傳統(tǒng)。因此，就是通過強調(diào)口語文學(xué)的創(chuàng)造性，這些Chicano 作家才形成了鏗鏘有力且讓人著迷的語言，這也是他們西班牙語作品的特征，盡管其英語作品有時沒有靈性。西班牙語與英語之間的差異并不令人感到意外。當(dāng)這些作家用西班牙語寫作時，他們會接近他們這個群體的口語傳統(tǒng)，而在群體中、支持和有啟發(fā)性的回應(yīng)很快會在當(dāng)?shù)貓蠹堉畜w現(xiàn)出來。然而，英語作品通常需要消除語言里的微妙差別和口語用法、采取正式的語氣、調(diào)整或想法來滿足性物的不同的需要。13. It is their sensitive responseIt is th

18、eir sensitive response to human circumstancet accounts for the persistence of certain universalideas. Rabbi Meir, a second-century scholar, admonished his disciples to look nothtcher buitscontents because, he sed, “Many a new pitcher has been found to be full of old wine.” This was his way ofemphasi

19、zing the importance of the distinction betn form and idea, and of stressing.t theegrity of anidea is more importantn the form of its expres對人類環(huán)境的敏銳反應(yīng)可以解釋某些普適存在的原因。公元二世紀(jì)的學(xué)者Rabbi Meir 告誡自己的，要看罐子裝了什么、而不要看罐子本身，他說：“這是因為許多新罐裝的是舊酒”。這就是他強調(diào)形式和之間區(qū)別的重要性，以及的完整性比的形式更為重要的方式。Creative ideas not only produce their o

20、wn instruments of survival as time and circumstandemand,but permit the substitution of new forms for old under the prere of changed circumstan. For exampledemocracy, as an idea, originated in ancient Greece and was carried from there to Western Europe and theAmericas. But it did not retahe ancient G

21、reek form: it passed through several reforming proses andexists todayany countries. Democraticernments differ in form because democracy is in principledynamic and has therefore responded to local needs.創(chuàng)造性不僅根據(jù)時代和環(huán)境的需要得以幸存下來，而且還會在環(huán)境改變的壓力下以新形式取代舊形式。例如，作為一種，于古希臘并且被傳到了西歐以及美洲。但是它并沒有保持古希臘的形式：它經(jīng)歷數(shù)次，現(xiàn)在存在于多個

22、國家之中。也在形式上不同，因為在原則上是變化的，所以會針對地方需要做出反應(yīng)。14. This is not to denyt theThis is not to denyt the Black gospel music of the early twentieth century differed in important waysfrom the slave spirituals. Whereas spirituals were created and disseminated in folk fashion, gospel music wascomed, published, copyri

23、ghted, and sold by profesals. Nevertheless, improvisation remained central togospel music. One has only to listen to the recorded repertoire of gospel songalizet Black gospelsingers rarely sang a song precisely the same way twice and never according to its exact musical noion.They performed what jaz

24、z musins call “head arrangements” proceeding from their own feelings and fromthe way “the spirit” moved them at the time. This improvisatory element was reflectedhe manner inwhich gospel music was published. Black gospel com groups fully, indicating the various vocal parts and theers scored the musi

25、cended for White singingpaniment, but the music produced for Blacksingers included only a vocal line and piano不可否認(rèn)的是，二十世紀(jì)早期paniment.音樂在很多重要方面與黑奴圣歌有所不同。圣歌是以民歌的形式被創(chuàng)造和的，而音樂是由專業(yè)創(chuàng)作、拿到后出售的。，即興創(chuàng)作對于音樂仍然是很重要的。人們?nèi)ヂ牳枨浿频娜壳烤蜁私獾礁枋謳缀醪粫纱窝莩耆粯拥母枨?，他們演唱也不遵循確切的樂譜。他們從自己的感覺以及當(dāng)時“心靈”的驅(qū)使出發(fā)，演唱的是爵士音樂家口中的“天資編排”的曲目。這種即興元素

26、反映在音樂的方式上。音樂作曲家為白人合唱團而創(chuàng)作的譜曲很完整，在其中指明了不同的聲部和伴奏，但為歌手而創(chuàng)作的音樂只有一行譜線以及一個鋼琴伴奏。15. By the time the AmericanBy the time the American colonists took up arms against Great Britain in order to secure their independence, the institution of Black slavery was deeply entrenched. But the contradiction inherenthissit

27、uation was, for many, a source of constant embarrassment. “It always appeared a most iniquitous scheme to me,” Abigail Adams wrote her husband in 1774, “to fight ourselves for what we are daily robbing andpdering from those whoe as good a right to freedom as wee.”在殖民地人民為了獨立拿起奮起反抗英國殖民者之前，黑奴制度就已經(jīng)根深蒂固了

28、。但是對很多人來說，這個情況的內(nèi)在總會使很多人感覺尷尬。 “這對我來說好像是一個極其邪惡的，”Abigail Adams 在 1774 年寫信給丈夫時說，“奮斗的東西就是每天從那些和有同樣權(quán)利的人們那里掠奪來的東西。”Many Americans besides Abigail Adams were struck by the inconsistency of their stand during the War of Independence, and they were not averse to making moves to emancipate the slaves. Quakers

29、 and otherreligious groupsanized antislavery societies, while numerous individuals manumitted their slaves. In fact,within several years ofof the War of Independence, most of the Eastern ses had made provis forthe gradual emancipation of slaves.和Abigail Adams 一樣，許多人在獨立期間都他們自相的立場，并且他們并不這些黑奴。公誼會和其它團體組

30、織了反奴隸的團體，而同時許多人也了他們的奴隸。事實上，在獨立條款。結(jié)束之后的幾年之內(nèi)，大多數(shù)東部的州都制定了逐步奴隸的16. Tocqueville, apparently, was wrong.Tocqueville, apparently, was wrong. Jacksonian America was not a fluid, egalitarian society whereindividual wealnd poverty were ephemeral conditions. east so argues E. Pessen in his iconoclasticstudy of

31、 the very richhe United Ses betn 1825 and 1850.Tocqueville 顯然是錯了。在Jackson 執(zhí)政時期，并不是一個的平等主義社會，也不是一個個人貧富瞬息萬變的社會。至少，在E. Pessen 在他對 1825 年到 1850巨富進行的打破傳統(tǒng)的Pessen does present a the existence of an inordina中也是這樣展示的。ty of examples, together with some refreshinglyelligible sistics, to establishy wealthy clas

32、s. Though active in commerce or the profess, most of thewealthy were not self-made, bud inherited family fortunes. In no sense mercurial, these great fortunessurvived the finanl panicst destroyed lesser ones. , in several cities the wealthiest one percentconstantly increased its share until by 1850

33、it owned half of the communitys wealth. Although theseobservations are true, Pessen overestimates their importance by concluding from themt the undoubtedprogress toward inequalityhe late eighteenth century continuedhe Jacksonian period andt the UnitedSes was a class-ridden, plutocratic society even

34、before industrialization.Pessen 確實列舉了大量事例以及一些讓人耳目一新且簡單易懂的統(tǒng)計數(shù)字，來證明確實存在極度富有的。盡管他們在商界業(yè)界非?；钴S，但大部分不是他們白手起家獲得的，而是通過繼承家業(yè)獲得的?？梢钥隙ǖ氖?，這些繼承來的巨大經(jīng)受住了金融大的沖擊，而較小規(guī)模的卻被摧毀。實際上，幾個城市里最富有的 1%一直到1850 年持續(xù)不斷地積累自己的正確的，但Pessen 還是由于，他們擁有了全社會一半的。盡管這些觀察結(jié)果是了這種情況的重要性而得出了這樣的結(jié)論：18 世紀(jì)末發(fā)展起來的不平等現(xiàn)象一直延續(xù)到 19 世紀(jì)中葉Jackson 總統(tǒng)時期是的，并且在工業(yè)化之前就是

35、一個，財閥的社會。17. In large part as a consequenceIn large part as a consequence of the feminist movement, historianse focused a great deal ofattention in recent years on determining more accuray the sus of women in various periods. Althoughmuch has beenplished for the modern period, premodern culturese pr

36、oved more difficult: sourarerestricted in number, fragmentary, difficult toret, and often contradictory. Thus it is not particularlysurprisingt some earr scholarship concerning such cultures has so far gone unchallenged. An example isJohann Bachofens 1861 treatise on Amazons, women-ruled societies o

37、f questionable existence contemporarywincient Greece.在很大程度上，由于女權(quán)主義運動(feminist movement)，史學(xué)家近年來把大量精力用在更準(zhǔn)確地確定婦女在各個歷史時期的地位。雖然對現(xiàn)當(dāng)代的成績斐然，但對古代文化的則被證明是更加的任務(wù)：資料來源數(shù)量有限，支離破碎，難以理解，且經(jīng)?；ハ?。因此，人們并沒有特別驚訝地發(fā)現(xiàn)，這些流傳至今的對于古代文化的早期學(xué)術(shù)未遭到質(zhì)疑。其中一個實例就是Johann Bachofen在1861年論述Amazons的存在仍有疑問。，Amazons是一個與古希臘同期的由女性的社會，但關(guān)于這個社會是否Start

38、ing from the premiset mythology and legend preserveeast a nucleus of historical fact,Bachofen arguedt women were dominantany ancient societies. His work was based on acomprehensive survey of referenhe ancient sourto Amazonian and other societies with matrilinealcustomssocieties in which descent and

39、property rights are traced through the female line. Some support forhis theory can be found in evidenuch ast drawn from Herodotus, the Greek “historian” of the fifthcentury B. C., who speaks of an Amazonian society, the Sauromatae, where the womented and fought inwars. A womanhis society was not all

40、owed to marry until she had killedrson in battle.從史實的至少存在于神話、中這一前提出發(fā)，Bachofen 認(rèn)為女性在許多古代社會中占據(jù)著地位。他的對古料來源中的參考材料進行綜合考慮，而這些參考材料涉及到Amazonian 和其他帶有母系的社會在這些社會內(nèi)，親緣關(guān)系和所均經(jīng)由女性這條線來追溯?？梢哉业揭恍┲С炙碚摰淖C據(jù)，如從Herodotus 那里獲取的證據(jù)曾談到某個Amazonian 社會，即Sauromatae，在此社會內(nèi)，女性進行狩獵并在個人之后才能結(jié)婚。中。該社會中的女性必須在戰(zhàn)斗中殺死一Nonetheless, this amptio

41、nt therecorders of ancient mythse pfacts ist ancient Greekproblematic. If one begins by examining why ancients refer to Amazons, ites cleardescriptions of such societies were meant not so much to represent observed historical factreal Amazoniansocietiesbut rather to offer “moral lessons” on the supe

42、de of womens ruleheir own society.The Amazons were often characterized, for example, as the equivalents of giants and centaurs, enemies to be slain by Greek heroes. Their customs were presented not as those of a respectable society, but as the veryantitheses of ordinary Greek practi.然而，古代神話的最早記述者能將史

43、實保存下來的這一假設(shè)是有問題的。如果首先審視一下，古人為何會提及Amazon人，情況將會變得顯而易見，即古希臘對這些社會的描述，與其說是為了再現(xiàn)親眼目睹的歷史事實真正的Amazon社會還不如說是為女性可能產(chǎn)生的進行“道德訓(xùn)導(dǎo)”（moral lesson）。例如，Amazon人經(jīng)常被描繪成巨人和怪物的同類，成為注定要被古希臘殺死的對立敵人。她們的的。被刻畫成一面的社會不應(yīng)該有的，一個與合乎常規(guī)的古希臘Thus, I would argue, the pure of accounts of the Amazons for their male Greek recorders was didacti

44、c, toteach both male and female Greekst all-female groups, formed by withdrawal from traditional society, aredestructive and dangerous. Myths about the Amazons were used as arguments for the male-dominated susquo, in which groups comed exclusively of either sex were not permitted to segregate themse

45、lvespermanently from society. Bachofen was thus misled in his reliance on myths for information about the susof women. The sourt will probablyl contemporary historians most about womenhe ancientworld are such sols as gravestones, wills, and marriage contracts. Studies of suchse already begun to show

46、 how mistaken we are when we try to derive our picture of the ancient worldexclusively from literary sour, espelly myths.因此，我認(rèn)為對于記述神話的古希臘來說，描述Amazon 人的目的是，要教誨古希臘的男性和女性這樣一個道理，即那些脫離了傳統(tǒng)社會而形成的純女性群體是有破壞性的、是的。有的群體是關(guān)Amazon 人的神話是用來為的現(xiàn)狀作辯護的，在這種狀況下，僅僅由單一不允許與社會性隔絕開來的。如此說來，Bachofen 依賴神話來獲取有關(guān)女性地位的史料是有誤導(dǎo)性的。有關(guān)古代世界

47、的婦女的、可能對當(dāng)學(xué)家最具價值的史料是這樣一類社會性文獻，如墓碑、遺囑、婚約。對這類文獻資料的很早就證明犯了多么大的錯誤，即當(dāng)試圖只從文學(xué)材料中，尤其是從神話中，獲取對古代世界的理解時犯的錯誤，。18. Traditional research has confrontedTraditional research has confronted only Mexican and United Ses culture. Now we must also examine the culture as we Mexican Americansreions of Mexican-Americane ex

48、perienced it, passing froma sovereign people to compatriots with newly arriving settlers to, finally, a conquered peoplea charter (a grantuarantee of rights, franchises, or privileges from the sovereign own land.er of a se or country) minority on our對墨西哥文化的傳統(tǒng)一直著只有來自墨西哥的和的兩種解釋。對于這種文化，現(xiàn)在也必須按照美籍墨西哥人所經(jīng)歷

49、的那樣來，從一個獨立的少數(shù)民族。的民族變成新來居民的同胞，最后變成一個被征服的民族，一個在自己的土地上持有When the Spanishcame to Mexico, theyermarried wind absorbed the culture of the indigenousns. This policy of colonization through acculturation was continued when Mexico acquired Texasheearly 1800s and brought the indigenousnso Mexican life andernm

50、ent. he 1820s, UnitedSes citizens migrated to Texas, attracted by land suitable for cotton. As their numbers became more substantial, their policy of acquiring land by subduing native populations began to dominate. The twoideologies clashed repeatedly, culminating in a militaryt led to victory for t

51、he United Ses.Thus, suddenly deprived of our parent culture, we had to evolve uniquely Mexican-American modes of thought and action in order to survive.當(dāng)西班牙人首次來到墨西哥時，他們同當(dāng)?shù)氐挠〉诎踩送ɑ?，并吸收印第安人的文化。這種文化適應(yīng)的殖民政策在 19 世紀(jì)初的墨西哥取得Texas 州時得到了延續(xù)，并把當(dāng)?shù)赜〉诎踩艘肽鞲绲纳?9 世紀(jì) 20 年代時，公民因Texas 土地適宜種植棉花而遷移到那里。當(dāng)移活方式和民人數(shù)越來越多時，用征服

52、本地人的辦法來獲取土地的政策開始盛行。兩種不斷發(fā)生，發(fā)展到頂點就爆發(fā)了軍事，結(jié)果獲勝。這樣，墨西哥人突然被了自己的傳統(tǒng)文化，為了生存他們不得不逐漸演化為獨特的美籍墨西哥人的行為方式。19. Throughout human historyThroughout human history theree been many stringent taboos concerning watching otheople eator eatinghe presence of others. Theree been attempts to explahese tabooserms of inappropri

53、atesol relationships either betn those who are involved and those who are not simultaneously involvedhesatisfaction of a bodily need, or betUndoubtedly such elements existn those already satiated and those who appear to be shamelessly ging.he taboos, but there is an additional element wimuorengry, notfundamental importance. In prehistoric times, when food was s